On the stock-taking of the European elections 2024

MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION

on the stock-taking of the European elections 2024

(2025/2012(INI))

The European Parliament,

– having regard to the Treaty on European Union (TEU), and in particular Articles 10, 14 and 17(7) thereof,

– having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), and in particular Articles 20 and 22 thereof,

– having regard to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, and in particular Articles 21, 39 and 52(1) thereof,

– having regard to the Declaration on Article 17(6) and (7) of the Treaty on European Union annexed to the Final Act of the Intergovernmental Conference which adopted the Treaty of Lisbon,

– having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and in particular Article 25 thereof,

– having regard to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), and in particular Article 29 thereof,

– having regard to Council Directive 93/109/EC of 6 December 1993 laying down detailed arrangements for the exercise of the right to vote and stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for citizens of the Union residing in a Member State of which they are not nationals,

– having regard to Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2018/994 of 13 July 2018 amending the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, annexed to Council Decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom of 20 September 1976,

– having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) No 1141/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 October 2014 on the statute and funding of European political parties and European political foundations,

– having regard to the amendments adopted by the European Parliament on 15 September 2022 on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the statute and funding of European political parties and European political foundations,

– having regard to the Commission proposal of 25 November 2021 for a Council directive laying down detailed arrangements for the exercise of the right to vote and stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for Union citizens residing in a Member State of which they are not nationals 2021/0372(CNS),

– having regard to the Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2018/994 amending the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, annexed to Council Decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom of 20 September 1976,

– having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/900 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 March 2024 on the transparency and targeting of political advertising,

– having regard to Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 October 2022 on a Single Market For Digital Services and amending Directive 2000/31/EC (Digital Services Act),

– having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 June 2024 laying down harmonised rules on artificial intelligence and amending Regulations (EC) No 300/2008, (EU) No 167/2013, (EU) No 168/2013, (EU) 2018/858, (EU) 2018/1139 and (EU) 2019/2144 and Directives 2014/90/EU, (EU) 2016/797 and (EU) 2020/1828 (Artificial Intelligence Act),

– having regard to its proposal of 3 May 2022 on the Reform of the electoral law of the European Union,

– having regard to its resolution of 26 November 2020 on stocktaking of European elections,

– having regard to its resolution of 12 December 2023 on the European Elections 2024,

– having regard to its decision of 27 November 2024 on the election of the Commission (2024/2061(INS)),

– having regard to the Commission’s European Democracy action plan (COM(2020)0790) and its subsequent ‘Defence of Democracy’ package of December 2023,

– having regard to its decision of 18 December 2024 on setting up a special committee on the European Democracy Shield,

– having regard to its resolution of 22 November 2023 on proposals of the European Parliament for the amendment of the Treaties,

– having regard to the Final Report of the Conference on the Future of Europe of May 2022,

– having regard to the Commission’s Enlargement Package of 30 October 2024,

– having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

– having regard to the report of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs (A10-0000/2025),

A. whereas the 2024 European elections registered the highest turnout of any elections to the European Parliament in the past 25 years, at 50.74 % of the electorate, (a slight increase in comparison to 2019 with 50.66 %), sending a positive signal about European citizens’ interest in EU affairs; whereas participation figures varied widely among Member States, ranging from 89.01 % in Belgium to 21.35 % in Croatia, underlining the need for continued political investment in election participation across the EU;

B. whereas suffrage rights were expanded in a few Member States as Belgium and Germany joined Austria and Malta in lowering the voting age to 16, resulting in an additional total of two million eligible voters below the age of 18; whereas Belgium also lowered the age limit for candidates to 18, while it remained 25 in Greece and Italy; whereas overall, up to 25 million young people voted for the first time;

C. whereas according to the Eurobarometer post-electoral survey, young people’s participation in the European elections (under 25s) fell by 6 % compared to the 2019 elections, dropping from 42 % in 2019 to 36 % in 2024; whereas turnout among young people should remain a focal point of policy efforts in the years to come;

D. whereas there is insufficient uniform and granular data available on the participation of vulnerable groups or on the use of alternative voting methods; whereas national frameworks for the collection of data pertaining to the European elections should be further harmonised to support evidence-based policy solutions at EU level;

E. whereas around 18 400 candidates and 490 candidate lists stood on the ballots, campaigning under unequal conditions across the Member States; whereas candidate registration and campaign periods ranged from several months to a few weeks; whereas independent individual candidacy was not possible in nine Member States;

F. whereas significant differences in regulatory approaches and restrictions between the Member States on voting and candidacy rights remain; whereas important reforms aimed at aligning electoral rules and procedures across the Union have yet to be completed;

G. whereas the most recent Eurobarometer suggests that national campaigns converge thematically and increasingly focus on shared European issues such as the economy, migration, the rule of law and climate change; whereas in national debates these issues are all too often exclusively approached from a national policy angle; whereas political parties and candidates have a responsibility to adequately inform citizens about the policy response and governance at EU level, including informing citizens about the European political parties and political groups they are affiliated with in Parliament;

H. whereas in the absence of a centralised European voter register, data exchange among Member States on possible multiple entries remains a challenge, not least because data about dual citizenship is not available;

I. whereas special measures foster electoral participation and representation of under-represented and vulnerable groups; whereas 11 countries have legislated a quota for women;

J. whereas around 11 million EU citizens living in another Member State were eligible to vote in their country of residence; whereas their participation in their country of residence is hampered by social, cultural and regulatory barriers, including language barriers, a variety of registration deadlines and administrative requirements; whereas its position of 14 February 2023, which sought to address these barriers, was entirely ignored by the Council;

K. whereas the spread of disinformation, including but not limited to social media, continues to pose a growing systemic threat to European electoral and democratic processes; whereas the Commission opened infringement procedures and began investigations against certain large online platforms, including for deceptive political advertising and lack of content monitoring and moderation, stemming from a lack of appointment of national digital services coordinators (DSCs) or lack of empowerment of the relevant bodies to perform the tasks required by the Digital Services Act (DSA); whereas, in particular, the social media platform X (formerly Twitter) and its owner Elon Musk continue to openly defy EU regulatory authorities through company policy and communications;

L. whereas most of the provisions of the new regulation on the transparency and targeting of political advertising had not yet entered into effect when the European elections took place; whereas this regulation is expected to complement the DSA and will bolster the EU’s resilience to election interference;

M. whereas Recommendation 16 of the European Citizens’ Panel 2 on European democracy / Values and rights, rule of law, security of the Conference on the Future of Europe called for an electoral law for the European Parliament that harmonises electoral conditions (voting age, election date, requirements for electoral districts, candidates, political parties and their financing), and for European citizens to have the right to vote for different EU-level parties that each consist of candidates from multiple Member States, and that during a sufficient transition period, citizens could still vote for both national and transnational parties;

N. whereas recent geopolitical turmoil, including the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, and a worrying shift in transatlantic relations, has been a catalyst for disinformation narratives;

O. whereas the upcoming enlargement will require a deep reform of the institutional set-up and electoral framework of the Union; whereas a Union of more than 30 Member States can only be a relevant and independent global player and can only properly function if its decision-making is made less bureaucratic and more efficient and built on the basis of a truly European and transnational democratic sphere;

European democracy after the 2024 European elections

1. Recalls that the fitness and ability of the EU to tackle the challenges of the 21st century on behalf of its citizens largely depends on the resilience and integrity of its elections and democratic processes; stresses that these cannot be taken for granted and must be strengthened and protected through a coherent policy framework; is convinced that this work is far from complete and that policy efforts must be intensified to boost participation in elections and to make the Union less bureaucratic and more democratic and effective in its decision-making;

2. Welcomes the relatively high turnout for the 10th European Parliament elections, which, with an aggregate participation rate of 50.74 %, saw a slight increase compared to the 2019 elections; is convinced that these figures reflect stronger public engagement with the European project and the increasing importance of Parliament and its impact on the daily lives of citizens; is nevertheless concerned by the widely divergent participation rates among Member States and remains determined to strengthen policy efforts to close the gap and increase turnout among all groups across the EU;

3. Applauds efforts by the European institutions and the European Broadcasting Union to increase the continent-wide visibility of candidates in the European elections, including through a series of high-profile pan-European debates, bringing together lead candidates from the different political families as well as through the ‘get the vote out’ debates, raising awareness among European young people; welcomes the positive impact of its own institutional communication strategy, which sought to raise awareness about the elections by highlighting their importance through the slogan ‘Use your vote, or others will decide for you’; believes that cooperation among institutions and with Member States’ electoral authorities with a view to increasing voter turnout has improved and undertakes to enhance coordination efforts in this area; stresses the need to use networks of civil society and private partners (‘multipliers’) to achieve greater reach at lower cost, as highlighted by a total of EUR 43 million worth of advertising achieved for free in 2024; calls for further substantial investment to expand the reach of these campaigns and broadcasts for the 2029 elections; underlines the important and positive role of the European Parliament Liaison Offices (EPLOs) in the European elections;

4. Underlines that the creation of a European ‘demos’ and shared democratic space firstly requires a cultural shift on the basis of a long-term strategy and adequate resources for the strengthening of European awareness and citizenship, in close cooperation with civil society and societal stakeholders; regrets that campaigns conducted in the Member States for the European elections are all too often approached from a purely national policy angle, even when these campaigns address common European issues; calls on national political parties and candidates in the European elections as well as national media outlets to adequately inform citizens about governance at EU level, including about the European political parties and political groups of the European Parliament that national parties are affiliated with; encourages national parties to intensify the cooperation with their European counterparts in this regard and undertakes to create an enabling regulatory environment for this;

5. Stresses that more work must be done to increase the participation of under-represented and vulnerable groups in the European elections; is concerned by the decrease in turnout among young people and undertakes to ramp up policy efforts to increase electoral campaign outreach to this key demographic; encourages the Member States to adopt dedicated policy frameworks addressing both voting and candidacy facilities, including through specific information campaigns, and alternative voting methods such as postal and proxy voting;

Institutional and electoral reform

6. Reiterates its long-held view that further reforms of and adjustments to the EU electoral framework and institutional set-up are necessary to make the European elections more democratic, resilient, inclusive and truly European; points to several pending policy initiatives in this regard and repeats its calls on the Council of the EU and the European Council to collaborate constructively with Parliament to find policy solutions that work in the interest of European citizens;

7. Is convinced that the regulatory framework for the European elections must be revised and modernised to increase the electoral footprint of citizens and reduce the regulatory fragmentation among the 27 Member States, including through a single common voting day as well as a uniform voting age; reaffirms its support for the pending proposal of 3 May 2022 for a new electoral law and reiterates its call for swift approval by the Council; undertakes to critically evaluate why the implementation of the 2018 revision was delayed in various Member States;

8. Regrets that new proposed rules regarding the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for so-called ‘mobile citizens’ were not adopted by the Council in time for the 2024 elections; points out that the full exercise of the electoral rights granted by the treaties to mobile citizens in elections to the European Parliament is still hampered by unjustified barriers to democratic participation, including a lack of awareness about the applicable conditions and rules; acknowledges that the pending draft Council directive would address some of these barriers; regrets, however, that the Council, while formally in compliance with Article 22(2) TFEU, has not engaged with the substance of Parliament’s opinion in any meaningful way; reiterates in particular its proposals to enable registration on the electoral roll as soon as voters register their place of residence and to strengthen language and information requirements for local authorities;

9. Welcomes efforts by political parties to further develop the implementation of the lead candidate (Spitzenkandidaten) process to establish a link between the election, the composition of Parliament, and the nomination of the President of the European Commission so as to make the appointment of the EU executive more transparent for citizens; commends the European political parties for nominating their candidates well in advance of the election; notes that this process this time around was relatively successful as the Commission President, while not being directly electable through a ballot, ran as the lead candidate for the biggest political group; points out that the direct election of the Commission President would increase their accountability and democratic legitimacy; remains convinced, however, that several key success factors – such as the continued development and consolidation of the European democratic sphere – are still lacking, preventing the full realisation of the potential of this informal and unregulated political process;

10. Emphasises the important role of European political parties in contributing to the debate on European public policy issues and in forming European political awareness; regrets however, that restrictions under the current EU and national regulatory frameworks prevented European political parties from fully participating in the 2024 European election campaign; believes that these parties can offer a much-needed counterweight to the spread of disinformation and misinformation in the run-up to the elections; reiterates its call on the Council to use the pending recast of Regulation 1141/2014 to unshackle the European political parties and empower them to assume the role they are given by the treaties, including by boosting their visibility in the Member States during the electoral campaign and in the promotion of lead candidates;

11. Underlines that further institutional work must be done to strengthen the impact of European voters on the governance of the EU; points in this regard to the pending treaty change procedure, which was triggered in the wake of the Conference on the Future of Europe; highlights its proposal to reverse the roles of the Council and Parliament in the nomination and confirmation of the President of the Commission to more accurately reflect the results of European elections; highlights also its proposal to grant Parliament the right of legislative initiative, the implementation of which would create a direct link between votes cast by citizens for parliamentary representatives and the policy output at EU level; highlights also its proposal to modernise the right of inquiry of the European Parliament to strengthen democratic control over the EU executive; calls on the European Council to comply with the treaties and hold a vote on the convening of the convention without undue delay to discuss these proposals;

Institutional resilience

12. Expresses deep concern about a growing number of internal and external threats that are eroding the fabric of European democracy; condemns the fact that some candidates, including those from governing parties in some Member States, openly campaigned on false and foreign-sponsored narratives about the EU while drumming up anti-EU sentiment;

13. Reiterates its deep and long-standing concern over the persisting trend of foreign interference in European democratic processes, including disinformation; condemns in particular the online disinformation campaigns sponsored by Russian and other third-country state and non-state actors undertaken to polarise and sow mistrust among the European electorate; notes that foreign interference occurs prior to elections and peaks in the pre-electoral period; denounces the naivety with which several extremist Members of the European Parliament willingly engaged with the Voice of Europe media platform, which is subject to a criminal investigation, to promote Kremlin-sponsored narratives about the war of aggression in Ukraine;

14. Reiterates its call on the Commission and the Member States to ramp up efforts to combat foreign interference and disinformation through a multi-layer, coordinated and cross-sector strategy, supported by adequate financial resources, to equip the EU and its Member States with appropriate foresight and resilience policies and deterrence tools; in this regard, calls on the Commission, the European External Action Service, and Member States to further reinforce the Union’s strategic response to disinformation and foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), including through a full implementation and enforcement of transparency obligations for platforms, and increased support for independent media and fact checkers, enhanced digital and media literacy; points to numerous EU policy efforts undertaken in recent years, including the DSA, the strengthened Code of Practice on Disinformation and the initiatives under the Democracy Action Plan; emphasises the importance of the full and effective implementation of the DSA to ensure transparency, accountability and due diligence by very large online platforms; calls for the Commission to be vigilant and proactive in enforcing the provisions of the DSA and overseeing compliance; acknowledges with concern that online platforms exert disproportionate influence over public discourse; notes with concern reports of politically motivated decisions by certain platforms that may threaten freedom of expression and democratic pluralism;

15. Underlines the importance of a free media environment as a key pillar of European democracy, notably in electoral cycles; acknowledges that, while the EU is a global leader in media freedom and 2024 saw the adoption of European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and the coming into force of the anti-SLAAP directive, the increasing internal and external pressure on the EU’s media environment requires further strengthening of media freedom in the EU, including in the run-up to European elections; recalls that in certain Member States, 2024 saw an increase in attacks on journalists;

16. Condemns all forms of political violence in the strongest terms; expresses deep concern over a series of incidents that occurred in the run-up to the 2024 elections; encourages the Commission and the Member States to prioritise the prevention of political violence by strengthening laws, frameworks and policies that protect politicians, political candidates, activists, journalists and citizens from violence and harassment during the electoral period; underlines the importance of a comprehensive approach that includes prevention, protection and education in order to reduce the incidence of political violence, especially by promoting awareness of the dangers of political violence and fostering a culture of tolerance and respect for differing political opinions;

17. Is deeply concerned by the rise and electoral success of anti-system and openly anti-EU parties during the 2024 elections; condemns any form of political rhetoric that promotes hate speech, discrimination, xenophobia or violence, and urges all political actors to engage in constructive, fact-based dialogue that respects democratic values, human rights and the rule of law; undertakes to further reform and improve the functioning of the Union to better deliver on the expectations of citizens; calls on all relevant players to communicate more proactively about the EU’s positive contribution to the daily lives of all European citizens through its policies;

18. Commits to an evaluation of these frameworks through its special Democracy Shield committee to identify possible loopholes, gaps and overlaps that could be exploited to enable malicious interference in democratic processes; calls in parallel on the Commission to enforce these regulatory frameworks in full and without undue delay, particularly in the case of those platforms that continue to openly defy EU regulatory authorities;

19. Recognises the importance of cybersecurity and cyber-infrastructure in protecting the integrity of European elections; warns against the potential risks of AI-enabled influence operations;

20. Concludes that European democracy can only thrive as long as European democratic and electoral processes are defended; in this respect, underlines the importance of promoting free and fair elections while protecting their integrity against both internal and external threats to the EU’s democracy; notes with concern that the spread of disinformation and some social media platforms’ influence remains unchecked; underlines the utmost importance of enforcing the entire legal framework currently in place in order to safeguard the integrity of the entire electoral process;

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21. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and the Commission.

EXPLANATORY STATEMENT

National laws, subject to common European principles, currently regulate elections for the European Parliament. According to Article 223 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), the European Parliament puts forward a legislative proposal for the election of MEPs in accordance with a uniform electoral procedure applicable in all Member States, or in accordance with principles common to all Member States. This proposal requires unanimity in the Council and approval by all Member States in line with their constitutional procedure. The Act concerning the election of the Members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage (annexed to Council Decision 76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom of 20 September 1976, with subsequent amendments) is the EU legislation currently in force for the election of MEPs. Article 1 of the Act provides that Members of the European Parliament shall be elected through direct universal suffrage ‘on the basis of proportional representation, using the list system or the single transferable vote’. It also allows Member States to use voting based on a preferential list system. It is thus since 1976, that the European Electoral Act paved the way for the election of the representatives of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage for the first time and that the European Parliament has continuously requested the reform of European electoral law and moves towards a uniform European electoral procedure. The Lisbon Treaty has offered a positive step forward by confirming the right of the European Parliament to initiate a proposal on the Electoral Act as well as on its composition. The Council laid down the provisions necessary for the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage in accordance with a special legislative procedure by the Council Decision 2018/994. However, the European elections are still based on national rules that comply with the common principles set out in the 1976 European Electoral Act and not on an EU uniform electoral system. Whilst the Council Decision 2018/994 aims to bring in modifications to the European Electoral Act, it was not applied for the 2024 European Parliament elections, given that there is still one Member State (ES) that had not ratified it. On 3 May 2022, the European Parliament voted to propose a new electoral law, based on Article 223 TFEU, which still awaits its unanimous approval by the Council. The last elections to the European Parliament were held in the 27 Member States of the EU between 6-9 June 2024. The European Parliament currently has 720 seats, as opposed to 751 – the maximum permitted under the EU Treaties – as it did between 2014 and January 2020. Following the United Kingdom’s departure from the EU on 31 January 2020, and with it the loss of the country’s 73 MEPs, an additional 27 Members from 14 Member States joined the Parliament, following provisions made for filling those seats at the June 2019 elections, adding up to 705 seats. The 720 MEPs are elected under national electoral systems, but these have to observe certain common principles established in EU law, notably proportional representation (PR). Under PR, voters may choose between political parties, individual candidates or both. Whilst in some Member States, voters can only vote for a list, with no possibility of changing the order of candidates (closed list), in others, voters can express their preference for one or more of the candidates (preferential voting). Instead of a list system, some Member States use the single transferable vote (STV) method of PR. The ongoing reform of the European Parliament’s electoral procedure aims to enhance the democratic and transnational public debate and dimension of the European elections and the democratic legitimacy of the Union decision-making process. Equally, it aims to reinforce citizenship in the Union, improve the functioning of the European Parliament and the governance of the Union, make the work of the European Parliament more legitimate and legislative by giving it a genuine right of initiative and strengthen the principles of electoral equality and equal opportunities.

Voting age for European elections

EU Member States are free to set their minimum national voting age for European elections. This age is set at 16 in Austria, Belgium, Germany and Malta, 17 in Greece, and 18 in the remaining Member States. The rules applicable to European elections are based on a combination of the common principles established in the European Electoral Act of 1976, as amended by Council Decision 2002/772, and the different national rules implementing those principles. In line with Article 8 of the European Elections Act, Member States can set the minimum voting age in their national legislation. In May 2022, Parliament tabled a proposal for a Council regulation on the election of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) by direct universal suffrage, which would replace the existing European Electoral Act of 1976 (2022/0902(APP)). The aim of the proposal is to harmonise a number of rules applicable to European elections, including the voting age. According to recital 17 of the proposal, a ‘single harmonised age for voting ...should be introduced across the Union in order to ensure equality and to avoid discrimination’. Article 4(1) of the proposal sets the age at 16 but allows for exceptions for ‘existing constitutional orders establishing a minimum voting age of 18 or 17 years of age’. To enter into force, the regulation needs the unanimous approval of the Council and the approval of all Member States in accordance with their constitutional requirements.

Minimum age to stand as a candidate in European elections

The European Electoral Act of 1976 allows the EU Member States to set the minimum age for standing as a candidate in European elections. While in May 2022 Parliament proposed a uniform minimum age of 18, the next round of elections – in 2024 – will be governed by the existing rules. The minimum age therefore varies among the Member States, ranging from 18 (in the majority of countries) to 25 (Italy and Greece).

Variation across the Member States

The existing rules on European elections are based on a combination of the common principles established in the European Electoral Act of 1976, as amended by Council Decision 2002/772, and the different national rules implementing those principles. The minimum age for standing as a candidate for the European Parliament is determined by the individual Member States, in line with Article 8 of the European Electoral Act. Across the EU, this age currently varies as follows: the rules in 15 Member States provide for 18 years of age, nine for 21 (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czechia, Estonia, Ireland, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and Slovakia), one (Romania) for 23, and two (Italy and Greece) for 25. Through a law adopted in 2021, Belgium lowered the minimum age from 21 to 18, and those new rules will apply for the 2024 elections.

Parliament proposes a harmonised age of 18 for candidates

In May 2022, Parliament tabled a proposal for a Council regulation on the election of MEPs by direct universal suffrage, which would replace the existing European Electoral Act (2022/0902(APP)). The proposal harmonises a number of rules applicable to European elections, including the minimum age for eligibility to stand as a candidate for an MEP. According to its recital 17, a ‘single harmonised age ... for standing as a candidate should be introduced across the Union in order to ensure equality and to avoid discrimination in access to those most fundamental civic and political rights’. Article 5(1) of the proposal sets the age at 18 and, in contrast to the voting right, provides for no exceptions. To enter into force, the regulation needs the unanimous approval of the Council and the approval of all Member States in line with their constitutional requirements.

Electoral thresholds in European Parliament elections

An electoral threshold for the allocation of seats is the minimum percentage of votes that a political party or a coalition is required to collect in order to gain a seat in the legislative assembly. Thresholds are said to enable a better balance between governability and representativeness, by favouring the formation of stable majorities and avoiding excessive fragmentation of the legislative assembly. Thresholds are sometimes imposed by law, but in the absence of an explicit legal requirement, they can be the de facto result of the size of the constituency and the relevant electoral law determining the apportionment of seats between constituencies. Provisions for electoral thresholds are common in proportional electoral systems, which tend to favour multipartyism. Thresholds can, however, be problematic when they limit or impede the representation of regional parties and ethnic and linguistic minorities, for instance. The current European Electoral Act contains a set of common principles to be upheld by the different domestic laws applicable to the election of the European Parliament. The original act of 1976 did not contain any provisions on minimum thresholds. Following modifications introduced in 2002, Article 3 allows Member States to set a minimum threshold for the allocation of seats; this must not exceed 5 % of the votes cast. More recently, a draft legislative act, adopted by the European Parliament in May 2022 and seeking to repeal the 1976 Act, proposes to modify Article 3. Member States would remain free to establish an electoral threshold of no more than 5 % of the valid votes cast, but they would be obliged to establish a threshold – of no less than 3.5 % and no more than 5 % – for national constituencies comprising more than 60 seats. The electoral thresholds applied in the 2019 European elections ranged between 5 % of the valid votes cast, required in nine Member States (Czechia, France, Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) and 1.8 %, required in Cyprus, while 14 Member States set no threshold. Italy, Austria and Sweden applied a 4 % threshold; and Greece 3 %. At the time of writing, it appears that these thresholds will still be applicable for the 2024 European elections

The Spitzenkandidaten

The Spitzenkandidaten process relies on the ambiguous wording of the Treaty provision (Article 17(7) TEU) applicable to the appointment of the President of the Commission, which neither explicitly provides for nor excludes such a process. The process is based on a reading of the provision that draws inspiration from the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, whereby the overall results of European elections should be politically reflected in the choice of the head of the executive. Declaration no 6 on Articles 15(5) and 15(6), Article 17(6) and 17(7), and 18 TEU, states that in choosing the persons called upon to take up the office of President of the Commission, due account is to be taken of the need to respect the geographical and demographical diversity of the Union and its Member States. Declaration no 11 clarifies that the selection of the candidate is the result of consultations between European Council and Parliament. The Spitzenkandidaten, or lead candidate process is a political process requiring that, before the European elections, the European political parties designate the personality they would propose as President of the Commission or who could marshal a parliamentary majority. This personality would campaign in the Member States, presenting the political programme of their own political party. The lead candidate process aims at establishing a political link between Parliament and the executive and, as the subsequent sections of this study will show, at acknowledging that, as it stands today, the EU is the product of a deep integration process that needs a higher degree of democratic legitimation for its institutions and a more understandable system for its citizens.

Domestic provisions for voting from abroad in the EU Member States

Four Member States provide for compulsory voting (Belgium, Bulgaria, Greece and Luxembourg); however, in the case of Greece, voting is not compulsory for voters residing abroad. Twenty-three Member States recognise their citizens’ right to vote from abroad in European elections, with some differences. For example, two Member States (Bulgaria and Italy) recognise their citizens’ right to vote from abroad only if they reside in another EU Member State (i.e. not in a third country). Four Member States (Czechia, Ireland, Malta and Slovakia) do not recognise their citizens’ right to vote from abroad in European elections, so their respective citizens must return to their ‘home’ country in order to vote. Ireland, however, allows a few specific categories of people (e.g. military and diplomatic staff) to vote from abroad. Nineteen Member States recognise their citizens’ right to vote in person in diplomatic and/or consular missions. There are differences between these Member States, though. For instance, Hungary gives the right to vote in person only to its citizens who have a domicile in Hungary but who wish to exercise their right to vote abroad. Hungarians with no address in Hungary and living outside the EU can vote by post only. Moreover, some Member States (e.g. Belgium, Cyprus, Poland, Romania, Spain) may establish, under certain conditions, polling stations in other places than diplomatic and consular missions. Fourteen Member States allow for postal voting; Denmark also uses the term ‘voting by post’ for what is, in practice, advance voting. Some of these Member States cover the costs of sending the postal ballot by normal post (e.g. Austria, Hungary) or reimburse them (Spain), whereas others provide that the postal costs be borne by the voter (e.g. Estonia, Germany and the Netherlands). Only three Member States (Belgium, France and the Netherlands) allow proxy voting; in all three Member States, other forms of voting are also recognised, i.e. in person voting and/or postal voting. Certain Member States, such as Germany, explicitly prohibit voting by proxy. Only one Member State (Estonia) allow its citizens to vote electronically (internet voting).

European Democracy shield

First announced in July 2024 as part of the Commission’s Political guidelines 2024-2029, the democracy shield initiative links existing work to counter foreign information manipulation and interference with the implementation of key legislation and initiatives to boost the resilience of the information sphere. This includes regulation of online platforms and search engines in the Digital Services Act (DSA), including the 2022 strengthened code of practice to make online platforms do more to curb information manipulation and hate speech, and the work of the European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO) and its regional hubs. It also includes the AI Act, with its risk-based approach to regulating AI, including generative AI-facilitated information manipulation such as deepfakes, the European Media Freedom Act, and the Regulation on Transparency and Targeting of Political Advertising.

ANNEX: ENTITIES OR PERSONS FROM WHOM THE RAPPORTEUR HAS RECEIVED INPUT

Pursuant to Article 8 of Annex I to the Rules of Procedure, the rapporteur declares that she received input from the following entities or persons in the preparation of the draft report:

The list above is drawn up under the exclusive responsibility of the rapporteur.

Where natural persons are identified in the list by their name, by their function or by both, the rapporteur declares that she has submitted to the natural persons concerned the European Parliament’s Data Protection Notice No 484 (https://www.europarl.europa.eu/data-protect/index.do), which sets out the conditions applicable to the processing of their personal data and the rights linked to that processing.