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From · resolution motion · 2024-02-26 B-9-2024-0152 on the murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia
To · Adopted text · 2024-02-29 TA-9-2024-0118 The murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia
+52 added · −29 removed · 3 modified paragraphs

B90152/2024

P9_TA(2024)0118

European Parliament resolution on theThe murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia

(2024/2579(RSP))

PE756.914

European Parliament resolution of 29 February 2024 on the murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia (2024/2579(RSP))

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Russia, in particular those concerning Alexei Navalny and the human rights situation in the country,

– having regard to the statement by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Securityits PolicyConference of 19 February 2024 on behalfPresidents of the European Union on the death of21 AlexeiFebruary Navalny,2024,

– having regard to Rule 132(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

– having regard to the statement by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on behalf of the European Union of 19 February 2024 on the death of Alexei Navalny,

A. whereas the 2021 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought was awarded to Alexei Navalny; whereas Alexei Navalny had been imprisoned since February 2021 in inhumane conditions, and his last place of detention was in Yamalo-Nenets, in western Siberia, where he was murdered on 16 February 2024;

– having regard to the joint statement by the Commission President and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 16 February 2024 on the death of Alexei Navalny,

B. whereas Alexei Navalny became the embodiment of the struggle of the Russian people for freedom and democracy; whereas he tirelessly and courageously continued his fight, denouncing the corruption of the regime;

– having regard to the constitution of the Russian Federation and to the international human rights obligations to which Russia has committed itself,

C. whereas Alexei Navalny was murdered in prison by Russian President Vladimir Putin and his cronies, by those who have taken control of Russia and are striving to kill Alexei Navalny’s dream of a different, democratic, ‘wonderful Russia of the future’ and to steal this dream and hope from the Russian people;

– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

D. whereas Russia is not just Putin, and Putin does not represent the whole of Russia; whereas the murder of Alexei Navalny will not end the hope for the Russia he believed in; whereas this hope will stay with the Russian population until Russia’s transformation into a democracy;

– having regard to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation, Mariana Katzarova, of 15 September 2023 entitled ‘Situation of human rights in the Russian Federation’,

E. whereas the West should stand with the democratic forces in Russia in their efforts to transform Russia according to the dreams of Alexei Navalny and many ordinary Russians, because this is the only way to establish long-lasting peace and stability on the European continent; whereas such a transformation can happen only if Ukraine, with Western assistance, defeats Russia; whereas our Western democracies also owe this path towards long-lasting peace to the Ukrainian soldiers and those who, like Alexei Navalny, have taken a stand against dictatorships and tyrannies;

– having regard to the statement by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation of 22 February 2024,

F. whereas providing full-scale military support to Ukraine to defend itself and to defeat Putin in his war of aggression is an underlying principle of the EU’s policy; whereas the West should be not afraid of Ukraine’s victory, because this victory will open a window of opportunity in Russia for a democratic transition, which is also part of Alexei Navalny’s dream;

– having regard to the report by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights of 11 July 2023 entitled ‘Protecting Human Rights Defenders at Risk: EU entry, stay and support’,

G. whereas the West and the EU, in order to end the biggest and most constant threat coming from authoritarian Russia, should invest not only in NATO’s deterrent and defence strategies, not only in their own EU and national military capabilities, but also in the realisation of Alexei Navalny’s dream through: (a) the achievement of Ukraine’s victory and its integration towards the EU and NATO, because that is how the post-imperial nostalgia in Russia can be diminished and the legacy of Putin’s regime destroyed; and (b) by EU strategic and regular support to the Russian opposition and civil society and the development of an EU engagement strategy with the different, democratic, ‘wonderful Russia of the future’ that strengthens the hope of the ordinary Russian people;

– having regard to Rule 132(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

H. whereas Alexei Navalny’s murder in a remote Arctic penal colony is an international crime for which Putin should be held accountable, because Alexei Navalny was sent there and murdered on Putin’s orders;

A. whereas Alexei Navalny, a prominent Russian political figure and the 2021 laureate of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, perished in a Siberian penal colony north of the Arctic Circle while serving a unfounded, politically motivated prison sentence; whereas the killing of Alexei Navalny is yet another sign of the increasing and systematic repression in Russia; whereas the full responsibility for his death lies with the Russian state, in particular its president, Vladimir Putin, who should be held accountable;

I. whereas the EU should respond effectively to the unprecedented repressions in Russia, the massive forced mobilisation and the total control that is exercised over society through a regime of fear and warmongering; whereas these crimes can be qualified as crimes against humanity, and the EU, at its level, should start the necessary preparations to begin the process for international justice;

B. whereas the Russian authorities have not yet provided information about the exact causes and circumstances of his death, and his family was only allowed to recover his body for a medical investigation and funeral on 24 February 2024; whereas no independent autopsy or investigation into the cause of death has been conducted;

J. whereas the EU and the rest of the free world need to offer solidarity, action and engagement with representatives of Russian democracy, as they do not want dictatorship or oppression in their country;

C. whereas Alexei Navalny had been in detention since 17 January 2021, the date on which he returned to Russia following medical rehabilitation after an attempted state-sponsored assassination using the internationally banned nerve agent Novichok; whereas he had previously been detained and arrested many times and had been sentenced, on fabricated and politically motivated grounds, to long prison terms in evident attempts to stop his political activities and anti-corruption campaigns; whereas he had been subjected to psychological pressure, arbitrary punishment, severe ill treatment and torture during his imprisonment in several notorious prisons and penal colonies; whereas Alexei Navalny’s health had deteriorated due to mistreatment and a lack of proper medical care;

K. whereas the EU should support the efforts of ordinary Russian people, as well as the Russian opposition and civil society, to make Alexei Navalny’s dream a reality;

D. whereas Alexei Navalny embodied the struggle for freedom and democracy, with his dream of a ‘beautiful Russia of the future’; whereas the continuous evolution of his views on Russian politics and Russia’s role in the world was noted with respect; whereas through his work, Navalny exposed the illegalities and corruption at the heart of the Russian government system; whereas Navalny tirelessly and courageously continued his fight from prison, illustrating his commitment to the principles of democracy and justice; whereas Navalny’s lawyers are being harassed and three of them have been in pre-trial custody since October 2023;

L. whereas the EU’s responsibility is to defend Alexei Navalny’s hope and to safeguard it for the people of Russia; whereas the legacy of Alexei Navalny should live through the EU’s daily work, as doing nothing is not an option;

E. whereas there are reports of Russian citizens paying tribute to Alexei Navalny in cities and towns across Russia, many of whom are being detained for these peaceful actions and some of whom are being subjected to targeted military draft notices; whereas the EU Ambassador to Russia, Roland Galharague, and many of his counterparts from the Member States, the UK and the US were among those who honoured Alexei Navalny’s memory at the Solovetsky Stone in Moscow;

M. whereas Europe can be united both for the victory of Ukraine and for the victory of democracy in Russia; whereas to unite in doing nothing would show very bad judgement;

F. whereas Russia’s political system is controlled by a consolidated authoritarian regime that engages in rampant corruption; whereas it uses rigged elections to provide a semblance of democracy and concentrates all power in the hands of Vladimir Putin; whereas the government suppresses any dissent with the support of loyalist security forces, a subservient judiciary, a controlled media environment and a legislature consisting of a ruling party and pliable opposition parties;

N. whereas Parliament believes in the future of democracy in Russia; whereas the EU should have a strategy for the future of Russia, for Alexei Navalny’s Russia;

G. whereas the death of Alexei Navalny is not an isolated incident, but the culmination of the Kremlin regime’s pattern of violence, suppression of dissent and intimidation against political opponents and civil society activists; whereas many democratic rights and civic freedoms guaranteed by the Russian constitution are non-existent in practice; whereas the Russian Federation continuously breaches international law and commitments;

1. Expresses its outrage following the murder of Alexei Navalny; stresses that the full responsibility for this murder lies with the Russian state and Putin in particular;

H. whereas the crackdown on independent civil society in Russia, targeting non-governmental organisations, human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, historians, women’s rights, LGBTIQ+ persons’ rights, environmental activists and activists for ethnic and cultural minorities, has had a devastating effect on the lives and freedoms of people belonging to minorities, LGBTIQ+ persons, women, and all people who do not adhere to the prevailing norms or who criticise the Russian regime and its policies; whereas an active civil society and a free media are crucial for ensuring democratic and open societies and safeguarding human rights;

2. Pays tribute to Alexei Navalny’s memory and expresses its condolences to his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, and their children, his mother, family and friends, and his collaborators and supporters;

I. whereas Putin’s regime has decimated a generation of Russian human rights organisations, including Memorial and the Moscow Helsinki Group; whereas the EU hosts a variety of Russian dissidents and representatives of the media and civil society who were forced to leave Russia as their criticism of the government put them at great risk of retaliation from the authorities;

3. Demands an international and independent investigation into the murder of Alexei Navalny;

J. whereas many opposition actors remain in Russia and continue to fight for democracy, the rule of law and human rights from within Russia, at great personal risk; whereas representatives of the opposition are systematically subjected to verbal attacks, ad hominem campaigns and dehumanisation by the government or by pro-government media; whereas the human rights group Memorial has designated over 600 people as political prisoners in Russia;

4. Stands with the independent Russian civil society and the democratic opposition; calls for the release of all political prisoners in Russia;

K. whereas since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Russian authorities have increased their repression of political opposition, the media and civil society, curtailing rights and individual liberties even further to stifle domestic dissent, including by criminalising any expression of anti-war sentiment; whereas anti-war candidates have been prevented from standing in the forthcoming 2024 presidential elections in Russia;

5. Calls for the EU institutions to declare that the forthcoming so-called presidential ‘elections’ are illegitimate, and that Putin’s presidency is illegitimate;

L. whereas there is no longer any safe space for civic action or political opposition within Russia, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation;

6. Calls for the EU to work out and adopt a comprehensible large-scale personal and sectoral sanctions list that works effectively against Putin and his closest political and economic entourage;

M. whereas the Russian regime’s severe curtailment of human rights is in clear contravention of the nation’s own constitution and legal framework, as well as a violation of Russia’s international obligations;

7. Calls for the EU institutions to develop a comprehensive long-term vision and strategy to help the Russian democratic forces and civil society to build a sustainable democracy in Russia after the collapse of Putin’s regime, which would allow Russia to prosper as a normal European country;

N. whereas a transparent, democratic, free and fair political competition process is not compatible with the political repressions that have been carried out in the Russian Federation for many years, culminating in the murder of a major leader of the Russian opposition, Alexei Navalny;

8. Calls for the EU to invest all the necessary resources in this strategy to make Alexei Navalny’s dream a reality, which will bring stability and peace and remove the threat of a post-imperial, authoritarian and aggressive Russian Federation;

1. Strongly condemns the murder of Alexei Navalny; expresses its wholehearted condolences to his family, associates and colleagues, and to his countless supporters across Russia; expresses its full support to Yulia Navalnaya in her determination to continue the work started by Alexei Navalny with her support, and to the Anti-Corruption Foundation founded by Navalny, which is continuing its work under the new circumstances;

9. Underlines that this strategy should include measures to offer structural and regular support and engagement with the democratic forces and civil society of Russia, both in Russia and in exile, as well as lay down the conditions of the Western assistance for Russia’s democratic transition; calls for the EU institutions to publish immediately the plan for the EU’s future political relations with a democratic Russia, which can be a new generation international agreement with the democratic Russia;

2. Pays its respects to Alexei Navalny as a political leader and prominent anti-corruption politician who, thanks to his bravery, charisma and capacity to mobilise people, achieved what others had tried but few had managed, namely to empower people by making them believe in their ability to improve their lives, change society and influence politics;

10. Calls on the Member States and the EU’s Western partners to see Ukraine’s victory and its Euro-Atlantic integration not only as a precondition for security and success, but also as one of the key EU policy instruments to assist positive transformations in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood of Belarus and Russia;

3. Recalls his contributions to developing civic consciousness through genuine public debates, political campaigns, street protests and innovative communication, which led to him being viewed by many as representing a vision of another Russia where power would not be held captive by a kleptocratic regime protected by subservient law enforcement agents, but would be held by and serve the people;

11. Underlines that the EU and its Member States and like-minded partners around the world must continue their political, economic and military support for Ukraine; stresses that Ukraine’s victory and the end of the kleptocratic Putin regime will be the ultimate posthumous victory for Alexei Navalny;

4. Calls on the Russian authorities to allow Alexei Navalny’s body to be buried according to his family’s wishes and not to obstruct his family’s efforts to organise a dignified funeral ceremony; demands an independent and transparent international investigation into the exact circumstances of Alexei Navalny’s death and into those responsible, in order to uncover the truth, ensure accountability and deliver justice; calls for the EU and its Member States to assume a leading role in calling for and supporting this investigation;

12. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council and the Commission.

5. Deplores and condemns the disinformation campaigns orchestrated by the Kremlin-controlled media that have sought to smear Alexei Navalny’s legacy and dignity both prior to and following his death, as well as that of his wife, family and close collaborators;

6. Calls on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Member States to hold the Russian political leadership and authorities to account, in close coordination with EU partners; calls on the Council to effectively use the Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime and implement targeted measures against those involved in and responsible for the politically motivated trials against Alexei Navalny, his sentencing, his imprisonment and his detention conditions, including the prosecutors and judges, prison staff and those responsible for his premature death; welcomes the recent adoption of sanctions by the US following Navalny’s death and invites the EU to coordinate its sanctions with international partners;

7. Underlines that the Russian Government and Vladimir Putin personally bear criminal and political responsibility for the death of their most prominent opponent, Alexei Navalny, and that under such circumstances it is justifiable to raise the question of Vladimir Putin’s legitimacy in public and international discourse;

8. Expresses its solidarity with all those in Russia and beyond who, despite the purposefully brutal repression and the severe personal consequences they face, still find the courage to speak the truth, uphold human values and fight for a democratic and peaceful future for Russia; considers that the people of Russia cannot be confused with the warmongering, autocratic and kleptocratic Kremlin regime;

9. Denounces the escalation of human rights violations by the Russian regime and condemns the ongoing crackdown on government critics, human rights defenders, anti-war and environmental activists, leaders of national minorities, indigenous activists, independent journalists and historians, as well as the increased repression of LGBTIQ+ communities; calls on the UN Human Rights Council to conduct an immediate investigation into the acts of inhuman imprisonment, torture and murder of political opponents; underlines that the killing of Alexei Navalny serves as a stark reminder of the urgent need to address the Russian regime’s repressive policies and to take a decisive stand against such actions;

10. Calls on the Russian authorities to drop all arbitrary charges and to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners and arbitrarily detained persons, including but not limited to Vladimir Kara-Murza, Yuri Dmitriev, Ilya Yashin, Alexei Gorinov, Lilia Chanysheva, Ksenia Fadeeva, Vadim Ostanin, Daniel Kholodny, Vadim Kobzev, Igor Sergunin, Alexei Lipster, Viktoria Petrova, Maria Ponomarenko, Alexandra Skochilenko, Svetlana Petriychuk, Evgenia Berkovich, Dmitry Ivanov, Ioann Kurmoyarov, Igor Baryshnikov, Dmitry Talantov, Alexei Moskalev, Oleg Orlov, Boris Kagarlitsky and Ivan Safronov;

11. Urges the Russian authorities to immediately end the use of torture, other ill treatment and arbitrary disciplinary measures against all detainees and to urgently reform prisoners’ detention conditions so that these comply with Russia’s obligations under international human rights law, in particular regarding prisoners’ access to doctors of their choice, appropriate medical treatment, lawyers, and communication with their families;

12. Calls on the Member States to step up their efforts to find feasible ways of freeing the worst-affected prisoners, in particular political prisoners who are ill or have been tortured, including the option of possible exchanges of imprisoned individuals; calls on the Council to create a special role of envoy for political prisoners and hostages in Russia in order to coordinate such efforts, in cooperation with international partners, and to serve as a point of contact for affected families and associates;

13. Calls on the Russian authorities to immediately release the hundreds of people who have been detained in recent weeks for peacefully paying tribute to the memory of Alexei Navalny; condemns the Russian authorities’ cruel practice of targeting political protesters by drafting them to serve in the war;

14. Calls on the Russian authorities to repeal their oppressive legislation that contravenes the Russian constitution and the country’s international commitments, such as the laws on censoring truthful information about Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and on so-called ‘foreign agents’ and ‘undesirable organisations’;

15. Calls on the Member States to introduce extensive EU restrictive measures against individuals involved in the political persecution and fabrication of cases against Russian civil society representatives and activists, and to consider adding further persons identified by Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation to the sanctions list as regime enablers who contribute to waging and financing the war of aggression against Ukraine and to perpetrating domestic repression in support of the regime’s survival; insists on greater transparency in the process of applying and lifting EU restrictive measures;

16. Calls on the EU Delegation and Member States’ missions in Russia to continue monitoring and attending the trials of individuals facing politically motivated prosecution;

17. Calls for the EU and the Member States to continue to show their unfailing solidarity with and to actively support independent Russian civil society and the democratic opposition, who are working to transform Russia into an open society where political rights, fundamental freedoms and human rights are respected, thereby honouring the enduring legacy of Alexei Navalny; calls for the EU to support the establishment of a network of human rights defenders to monitor and report on human rights violations;

18. Urges the Member States to expand and further facilitate the programme for humanitarian visas for Russian human rights defenders, pro-democracy activists and independent journalists at risk of political persecution;

19. Reiterates its call for an EU-wide multi-entry visa scheme for human rights defenders, civil society activists and politically persecuted individuals, for the existing legal flexibility to be used and for gaps in legislation to be addressed, as proposed by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in its 2023 report entitled ‘Protecting Human Rights Defenders at Risk: EU entry, stay and support’; invites the EU institutions to prepare measures to cover the eventuality of Russia ceasing to issue passports at its consulates, including the recognition of de facto statelessness, and to issue travel documents in order to allow the democratic opposition, civil society activists and otherwise politically persecuted persons to relocate to EU Member States, and, where relevant, continue their work while in exile;

20. Calls on the Member States to avoid the unjustified and disproportionate application of restrictive measures on individuals seeking refuge from and fighting against the current Russian Government;

21. Calls for the simplification of processes for Russian dissidents in the EU to register organisations and entities, open bank accounts and carry out other administrative tasks in order to allow them to continue their work in exile;

22. Deplores the Russian regime’s imperialist policies and condemns, in the strongest possible terms, Russia’s continued war of aggression against Ukraine; reiterates that the EU, its Member States and like-minded partners around the world must continue their political, economic, financial and military support for Ukraine, including support to civil society and long-term support for the reconstruction of Ukraine, as this is the best response to the oppressive and aggressive practices currently perpetrated by the Kremlin regime; is convinced that Ukraine’s decisive victory may lead to genuine changes in the system in the Russian Federation, in particular deimperialisation, decolonialisation and refederalisation, all of which are necessary conditions for the establishment of democracy in Russia;

23. Calls on the Commission to use the multilateral platforms of which Russia is a member to continue condemning human rights violations in Russia and Russia’s crime of aggression against Ukraine, to further support the documentation of human rights violations in Russia, and to support turning the examination by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights of the human rights situation in the Russian Federation into a fully independent investigative mechanism;

24. Expresses support for the work of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation, Mariana Katzarova, and calls on the Member States to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council extends her mandate again in 2024;

25. Calls on the Commission, and in particular the European External Action Service, to develop a proactive, long-term strategic policy towards Russia that effectively responds to the reality of EU-Russia relations today, the human rights situation in Russia and the need to support Russian civil society and opposition representatives in exile;

26. Commits to continuously addressing the Russian regime’s violations of its constitution and of international law, including the elections of 17 March 2024, given that these elections are expected to be held in the occupied territories of Ukraine, in a context of increased suppression of political pluralism and the media;

27. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Russian authorities, and to ensure that it is made available in the Russian language.