What changed

B90147/2024

B90152/2024

European Parliament resolution on the murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Russia,

– having regard to the statement ofby itsthe ConferenceHigh Representative of Presidentsthe Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 2119 February 2024,2024 on behalf of the European Union on the death of Alexei Navalny,

– having regard to the Constitution of the Russian Federation and to the international human rights obligations to which Russia has committed itself,

– having regard to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation, Mariana Katzarova, of 21 September 2023 entitled ‘Situation of human rights in the Russian Federation’,

– having regard to the report by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights of 11 July 2023 entitled ‘Protecting Human Rights Defenders at Risk: EU entry, stay and support’,

– having regard to the statement by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on behalf of the European Union of 19 February 2024 on the death of Alexei Navalny,

– having regard to Rule 132(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas Alexei Navalny, a prominent Russian political figure and the 2021 laureate of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, perished in a Siberian penal colony north of the Arctic Circle while serving an unfounded, politically motivated prison sentence; whereas the full responsibility for his murder lies with the Russian state and its President Vladimir Putin in particular;

A. whereas the 2021 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought was awarded to Alexei Navalny; whereas Alexei Navalny had been imprisoned since February 2021 in inhumane conditions, and his last place of detention was in Yamalo-Nenets, in western Siberia, where he was murdered on 16 February 2024;

B. whereas Navalny had been in detention since 17 January 2021; whereas since his arrest, he had been subjected to ill treatment, torture, arbitrary punishment and psychological pressure;

B. whereas Alexei Navalny became the embodiment of the struggle of the Russian people for freedom and democracy; whereas he tirelessly and courageously continued his fight, denouncing the corruption of the regime;

C. whereas Alexei Navalny became the embodiment of the struggle for freedom and democracy in Russia; whereas Navalny tirelessly and courageously continued his fight from prison, denouncing the corruption of the Russian regime; whereas there are reports of Russian citizens paying tribute to Alexei Navalny in cities and towns across Russia, many of whom are being detained for these peaceful actions and some subjected to arbitrary military draft notices;

C. whereas Alexei Navalny was murdered in prison by Russian President Vladimir Putin and his cronies, by those who have taken control of Russia and are striving to kill Alexei Navalny’s dream of a different, democratic, ‘wonderful Russia of the future’ and to steal this dream and hope from the Russian people;

D. whereas Russia’s political system is controlled by a consolidated authoritarian regime that engages in rampant corruption; whereas it uses rigged elections to provide a semblance of democracy and concentrates all the power in the hands of Vladimir Putin; whereas the government suppresses any dissent with the support of loyalist security forces, a subservient judiciary, a controlled media environment, and a legislature consisting of a ruling party and pliable opposition factions;

D. whereas Russia is not just Putin, and Putin does not represent the whole of Russia; whereas the murder of Alexei Navalny will not end the hope for the Russia he believed in; whereas this hope will stay with the Russian population until Russia’s transformation into a democracy;

E. whereas Putin’s regime has decimated a generation of Russian human rights organisations, including Memorial and the Moscow Helsinki Group; whereas the EU hosts a variety of Russian dissidents, media and civil society representatives who were forced to leave Russia as their criticism of the government put them at great risk of retaliation from the authorities;

E. whereas the West should stand with the democratic forces in Russia in their efforts to transform Russia according to the dreams of Alexei Navalny and many ordinary Russians, because this is the only way to establish long-lasting peace and stability on the European continent; whereas such a transformation can happen only if Ukraine, with Western assistance, defeats Russia; whereas our Western democracies also owe this path towards long-lasting peace to the Ukrainian soldiers and those who, like Alexei Navalny, have taken a stand against dictatorships and tyrannies;

F. whereas many opposition actors remain in Russia and continue to fight for democracy, the rule of law and human rights from within Russia at great personal risk; whereas representatives of the opposition are systematically subjected to verbal attacks, ad hominem campaigns and dehumanisation by the government or pro-government media; whereas over 500 people are currently jailed in Russia as political prisoners; whereas since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russian authorities have curtailed rights and individual liberties even further to stifle domestic dissent;

F. whereas providing full-scale military support to Ukraine to defend itself and to defeat Putin in his war of aggression is an underlying principle of the EU’s policy; whereas the West should be not afraid of Ukraine’s victory, because this victory will open a window of opportunity in Russia for a democratic transition, which is also part of Alexei Navalny’s dream;

G. whereas there is no longer any safe space for civic action or political opposition within Russia, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation, Mariana Katzarova;

G. whereas the West and the EU, in order to end the biggest and most constant threat coming from authoritarian Russia, should invest not only in NATO’s deterrent and defence strategies, not only in their own EU and national military capabilities, but also in the realisation of Alexei Navalny’s dream through: (a) the achievement of Ukraine’s victory and its integration towards the EU and NATO, because that is how the post-imperial nostalgia in Russia can be diminished and the legacy of Putin’s regime destroyed; and (b) by EU strategic and regular support to the Russian opposition and civil society and the development of an EU engagement strategy with the different, democratic, ‘wonderful Russia of the future’ that strengthens the hope of the ordinary Russian people;

1. Strongly condemns the murder of Alexei Navalny; expresses its wholehearted condolences to his family, associates and colleagues, as well as his countless supporters in Russia; expresses its full support to Yulia Navalnaya in her determination to continue the work started by Alexei Navalny with her support, as well as to the Anti-Corruption Foundation founded by Navalny, which is continuing its work under the new circumstances;

H. whereas Alexei Navalny’s murder in a remote Arctic penal colony is an international crime for which Putin should be held accountable, because Alexei Navalny was sent there and murdered on Putin’s orders;

2. Calls on the Russian authorities to allow Alexei Navalny’s body to be buried according to his family’s wishes; demands an independent and transparent international investigation into the exact circumstances of the death of Alexei Navalny in order to ensure accountability and justice;

I. whereas the EU should respond effectively to the unprecedented repressions in Russia, the massive forced mobilisation and the total control that is exercised over society through a regime of fear and warmongering; whereas these crimes can be qualified as crimes against humanity, and the EU, at its level, should start the necessary preparations to begin the process for international justice;

3. Calls on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Member States to hold the Russian political leadership and authorities to account, in close coordination with EU partners; calls on the Council to make effective use of the Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime and implement targeted measures against those involved in Navalny’s arrest, court case, imprisonment and death;

J. whereas the EU and the rest of the free world need to offer solidarity, action and engagement with representatives of Russian democracy, as they do not want dictatorship or oppression in their country;

4. Underlines that the Russian Government and Vladimir Putin personally bear criminal and political responsibility for the murder of their most prominent opponent, Alexei Navalny, and that under such circumstances it is justifiable to raise the question of Vladimir Putin’s legitimacy in public and international discourse;

K. whereas the EU should support the efforts of ordinary Russian people, as well as the Russian opposition and civil society, to make Alexei Navalny’s dream a reality;

5. Expresses its solidarity with all those in Russia and beyond who fight for a democratic and peaceful future for Russia; condemns the intensification of the crackdown on critics of the government, human rights defenders and independent journalists since the invasion of Ukraine;

L. whereas the EU’s responsibility is to defend Alexei Navalny’s hope and to safeguard it for the people of Russia; whereas the legacy of Alexei Navalny should live through the EU’s daily work, as doing nothing is not an option;

6. Calls on the Russian authorities to drop all arbitrary charges and to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners and those arbitrarily detained, including Vladimir Kara-Murza, Yuri Dmitriev, Ilya Yashin, Alexei Gorinov, Lilia Chanysheva, Ksenia Fadeeva, Vadim Ostanin, Daniel Kholodny, Viktoria Petrova, Maria Ponomarenko, Alexandra Skochilenko, Svetlana Petriychuk, Evgenia Berkovich, Dmitry Ivanov, Ioann Kurmoyarov, Igor Baryshnikov, Dmitry Talantov, Alexei Moskalev, and Ivan Safronov;

M. whereas Europe can be united both for the victory of Ukraine and for the victory of democracy in Russia; whereas to unite in doing nothing would show very bad judgement;

7. Demands that, pending their release, prisoners be detained under conditions compliant with Russia’s international obligations, in particular regarding their access to doctors of their choice, appropriate medical treatment, lawyers, and communication with their families;

N. whereas Parliament believes in the future of democracy in Russia; whereas the EU should have a strategy for the future of Russia, for Alexei Navalny’s Russia;

8. Calls on the Member States to intensify their efforts to find feasible ways of freeing the most affected, especially sick political prisoners or those who have suffered torture, including the option of possible exchanges of imprisoned individuals; calls on the Council to create a special role of envoy for political prisoners and hostages in order to coordinate such efforts, in cooperation with international partners, and to serve as a point of contact for affected families and associates;

1. Expresses its outrage following the murder of Alexei Navalny; stresses that the full responsibility for this murder lies with the Russian state and Putin in particular;

9. Calls on the Russian authorities to immediately release the hundreds of people who have been detained over the past weeks for peacefully paying tribute to the memory of Alexei Navalny; condemns the sadistic practice of the Russian authorities of targeting political protesters by drafting them to serve in the war;

2. Pays tribute to Alexei Navalny’s memory and expresses its condolences to his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, and their children, his mother, family and friends, and his collaborators and supporters;

10. Calls on the Member States to introduce extensive EU restrictive measures against individuals involved in the political persecution and fabrication of cases against Russian civil society and activists; insists on increased transparency in the process of applying and lifting EU restrictive measures;

3. Demands an international and independent investigation into the murder of Alexei Navalny;

11. Calls on the EU delegation and EU Member State missions in Russia to continue attending trials of individuals facing politically motivated prosecution;

4. Stands with the independent Russian civil society and the democratic opposition; calls for the release of all political prisoners in Russia;

12. Urges Member States to increase and further facilitate the programme for humanitarian visas and offer other support to Russian human rights defenders, pro-democracy activists and independent journalists at risk of political persecution;

5. Calls for the EU institutions to declare that the forthcoming so-called presidential ‘elections’ are illegitimate, and that Putin’s presidency is illegitimate;

13. Reiterates its call for an EU-wide multi-entry visa scheme for human rights defenders and civil society activists as well as politically persecuted individuals, and to use existing legal flexibility and address gaps in legislation as proposed by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in its 2023 report entitled ‘Protecting Human Rights Defenders at Risk: EU entry, stay and support’; invites the EU institutions to prepare measures in case Russia ceases issuing passports at its consulates, including the recognition of de facto statelessness, and to issue travel documents, in order to allow the democratic opposition, civil society activists and otherwise politically persecuted persons to relocate to EU Member States, and, where relevant, continue their work while in exile;

6. Calls for the EU to work out and adopt a comprehensible large-scale personal and sectoral sanctions list that works effectively against Putin and his closest political and economic entourage;

14. Calls on Member States to avoid unjustified and disproportionate application of restrictive measures on individuals seeking refuge from and fighting against the current Russian Government;

7. Calls for the EU institutions to develop a comprehensive long-term vision and strategy to help the Russian democratic forces and civil society to build a sustainable democracy in Russia after the collapse of Putin’s regime, which would allow Russia to prosper as a normal European country;

15. Calls for the simplification of processes for Russian dissidents in the EU to register organisations and entities, open bank accounts and carry out other administrative tasks in order to allow them to continue their work in exile;

8. Calls for the EU to invest all the necessary resources in this strategy to make Alexei Navalny’s dream a reality, which will bring stability and peace and remove the threat of a post-imperial, authoritarian and aggressive Russian Federation;

16. Deplores the Russian regime’s imperialist and neocolonial policies and condemns in the strongest possible terms Russia’s continued war of aggression against Ukraine; reiterates that the EU, its Member States and like-minded partners around the world must continue their political, economic and military support for Ukraine, as the best answer to the current oppressive practices is to increase our support for Ukraine’s defence;

9. Underlines that this strategy should include measures to offer structural and regular support and engagement with the democratic forces and civil society of Russia, both in Russia and in exile, as well as lay down the conditions of the Western assistance for Russia’s democratic transition; calls for the EU institutions to publish immediately the plan for the EU’s future political relations with a democratic Russia, which can be a new generation international agreement with the democratic Russia;

17. Calls on the Commission to use the multilateral platforms of which Russia is a member to continue condemning human rights violations in Russia as well as Russia’s crime of aggression against Ukraine;

10. Calls on the Member States and the EU’s Western partners to see Ukraine’s victory and its Euro-Atlantic integration not only as a precondition for security and success, but also as one of the key EU policy instruments to assist positive transformations in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood of Belarus and Russia;

18. Expresses support for the work of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Russian Federation, Mariana Katzarova, and calls on the Member States to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council extends her mandate again in 2024;

11. Underlines that the EU and its Member States and like-minded partners around the world must continue their political, economic and military support for Ukraine; stresses that Ukraine’s victory and the end of the kleptocratic Putin regime will be the ultimate posthumous victory for Alexei Navalny;

19. Calls on the Commission and in particular European External Action Service, to develop a proactive, long-term strategic policy towards Russia that effectively responds to the reality of EU-Russia relations today, the human rights situation in Russia and the need to support Russian civil society and opposition representatives in exile;

12. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council and the Commission.

20. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, and the Russian authorities.