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From · resolution motion · 2025-03-07 B-10-2025-0161 on continuing the unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after three years of Russia’s war of aggression
To · resolution motion · 2025-03-07 B-10-2025-0166 on continuing the unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after three years of Russia’s war of aggression
+60 added · −34 removed · 2 modified paragraphs

B100161/2025

B100166/2025

European Parliament resolution on continuing the unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after three years of Russia’s war of aggression

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Ukraine and on Russia, in particular those adopted since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula on 19 February 2014,

– having regard to the Charter of the United Nations, in particular to the obligation of all states under Article 2 of the Charter to refrain, in their international relations, from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the UN, and to settle their international disputes by peaceful means,

– having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part, and to the accompanying Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area between the European Union and Ukraine, signed in 2014,

– having regard to the Charter of the United Nations, in particular the inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter in the event of an armed attack,

– having regard to the UN Charter, the Hague Conventions, the Geneva Conventions and the additional protocols thereto, and to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC),

− having regard to UN General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV) of 24 October 1970, in particular to the principles contained therein that the territory of a state may not be the object of acquisition by another state resulting from the threat or use of force, and that any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and territorial integrity of a state or country or at its political independence is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter,

– having regard to the European Council’s decision of 14 December 2023 to open accession negotiations with Ukraine, following the Commission’s positive recommendation of 8 November 2023 in this regard,

− having regard to UN General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974, which defines aggression as the use of armed force by a state against the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence of another state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the UN Charter,

having regard to the conclusionsGeneva Conventions of the1949 specialand EuropeanAdditional CouncilProtocol ofI 6thereto Marchof 2025,1977,

− having regard to the Helsinki Final Act, the Charter of Paris for a New Europe and the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances,

− having regard to the reports of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on the human rights situation in Ukraine,

− having regard to the regular reports of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs,

− having regard to the UN Security Council resolutions adopted since the start of the war of aggression against Ukraine,

− having regard to the application for EU membership submitted by Ukraine on 28 February 2022,

– having regard to the Commission communication of 17 June 2022 entitled ‘Commission Opinion on Ukraine’s application for membership of the European Union’ (COM(2022)0407),

– having regard to the subsequent European Council conclusions of 23 and 24 June 2022,

– having regard to the Commission staff working document of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘Ukraine 2024 Report’ (SWD(2024)0699),

– having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas Russia has beenthe wagingRussian anFederation illegal,has unprovokedbeen andconducting unjustifieda full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine since 24 February 2022; whereas Russia’s war against Ukraine started2022, in 2014 with the illegal occupation and annexation of the Crimean peninsula and the subsequent occupation of parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions; whereas this war of aggression constitutes a blatant and flagrant violation of the UN Charter and of the fundamental principles of international law;

B. whereas Russia’s actions in Ukraine over the past three years continue to threaten peace and security in Europe and worldwide; whereas the Russian war of aggression is the largest military conflict on the European continent since the end of World War II and reflects the growing conflict between authoritarianism and democracy;

B. whereas on 30 September 2022, Russia unilaterally declared its annexation of the partly Russian-occupied Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia, in addition to its previous annexation of the Crimean peninsula;

C. whereas Ukraine and its citizens have shown unwavering determination in resisting Russia’s war of aggression, successfully defending their country, despite the high cost in civilian and military casualties, along with the destruction of civilian and public infrastructure – in particular that provide water, energy and electricity – the natural environment and cultural heritage; whereas the brave people of Ukraine were awarded the 2022 Sakharov Prize as a tribute to their courage and resilience;

C. whereas people all over Europe are deeply concerned about the war, which has the potential to result in a war between nuclear-armed states;

D. whereas a number of non-EU countries, notably Iran, North Korea and Belarus, have provided Russia with substantial deliveries of weapons and ammunition, and Belarus has allowed Russia to use its territory to attack Ukraine; whereas North Korean troops have been deployed on the battlefield and are fighting alongside the Russian army;

D. whereas according to recent polls, the majority of Ukrainians are in favour of starting negotiations and ending the war as soon as possible;

E. whereas the EU and its Member States have provided the most substantial cumulative support for Ukraine in all areas since the start of the full-scale invasion; whereas the overall assistance pledged to Ukraine by the EU, its Member States and European financial institutions since February 2022 amounts to close to EUR 140 billion, including humanitarian and emergency assistance, budget support, macro-financial assistance and military aid; whereas the EU and its Member States have frozen approximately EUR 300 billion worth of Russian sovereign assets;

E. whereas in March and April 2022, direct peace talks were held between Russia and Ukraine in Istanbul, during which a possible peace agreement was discussed;

F. whereas the European Council decided to open accession negotiations with Ukraine following the positive recommendation of the Commission; whereas the first intergovernmental conference took place on 25 June 2024, launching the negotiation process and adopting the negotiating framework;

F. whereas the war in Ukraine has resulted in hundreds of thousands of casualties on both sides, and according to several military analysts, there is unlikely to be a military solution to the conflict in the short term; whereas the number of deserters, who refuse to fight in the war, is constantly increasing on both the Ukrainian and Russian sides;

G. whereas the EU has adopted 16 packages of sanctions since the onset of the war and has created a new role of International Special Envoy for the Implementation of EU Sanctions, specifically tasked with tackling the evasion and circumvention of sanctions targeting Russia and its proxies Belarus, Iran and North Korea;

G. whereas since the start of the war, the EU and its Member States have made available over USD 167 billion in financial, military, humanitarian and refugee assistance to Ukraine; whereas in July 2024, the EU made available the first USD 1.6 billion generated from immobilised Russian assets, which will be channelled through the European Peace Facility and to the Ukraine Facility to bolster Ukraine’s military capabilities and to support the country’s reconstruction; whereas the EU formally opened accession negotiations with Ukraine in June 2024;

H. whereas the new US President, Donald Trump, undertook efforts to achieve a possible ceasefire and peace in the war in Ukraine by making demands on Ukraine, putting limitations on its sovereign choices, by excluding NATO membership a priori, declaring the return to pre-2014 borders unrealistic, demanding compensation for alleged assistance to Ukraine amounting to USD 350 billion and labelling President Zelenskyy ‘a dictator’; whereas no known demands have been expressed towards Russia from the US side; whereas the United States and Ukraine have been negotiating an agreement on the joint exploitation of Ukrainian rare earth minerals; whereas that agreement has not been concluded to date, as it does not envisage any security guarantees for Ukraine; whereas the United States suspended its military assistance to, and intelligence sharing with, Ukraine on 3 March 2025;

H. whereas on 17 March 2023, Pre-Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court issued warrants for the arrest of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and of the Commissioner for Children’s Rights in the Office of the President of the Russian Federation, Maria Lvova-Belova;

I. whereas President Donald Trump ordered a sweeping freeze of US foreign aid, halting hundreds of critical projects in Ukraine, including demining activities, military veteran rehabilitation, independent media and anti-corruption initiatives;

I. whereas former US President Biden’s administration authorised Ukraine to use US-supplied longer-range missiles for deeper strikes inside Russia and increased arms deliveries, including the provision of anti-personnel mines;

J. whereas Russia’s war of aggression shows its imperialistic attitude towards its neighbours; whereas as long as the Russian state continues to pursue revisionist policies, its efforts will continue to mean the ever-looming threat of conflict on the European continent; whereas numerous international actors have recognised Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism and a state that uses means of terrorism;

J. whereas the Ottawa Treaty, ratified by the vast majority of the EU Member States, prohibits the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines because of their indiscriminate nature and devastating impact on civilians, particularly children;

K. whereas a special European Council took place on 6 March 2025 dedicated to the situation in Ukraine and the need to strengthen European defence; whereas the European Council endorsed the defence package put forward by the Commission on strengthening European defence through a ReArm Europe plan and the reiteration of its support for Ukraine, highlighting in particular that there can be no negotiations on Ukraine without Ukraine and that there can be no negotiations that affect European security without Europe’s involvement, and, furthermore, that Ukraine’s security and European, transatlantic and global security are intertwined;

K. whereas Russia has revised its nuclear doctrine and has signed a deal to increase military cooperation with North Korea;

1. Marking the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine, pays tribute to the thousands of people who have sacrificed their lives for a free and democratic Ukraine; reiterates, therefore, its unwavering solidarity with the people of Ukraine and its support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders; strongly underlines Ukraine’s inherent right to self-defence in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter;

L. whereas the Ukrainian economy has been devastated by the war, with vast sections of its industry and resources falling under foreign ownership, including Western multinational corporations, and the population suffering from impoverishment and displacement; whereas the economic consequences of the war have also harmed EU Member States, contributing to energy crises, inflation and deindustrialisation, while benefiting primarily US economic and military interests;

2. Reiterates its condemnation, in the strongest possible terms, of Russia’s illegal, unprovoked and unjustifiable war of aggression against Ukraine, as well as of the involvement of Belarus, North Korea and Iran; demands that Russia and its proxy forces cease all military actions and that Russia withdraw all military forces, proxies and military equipment from the entire internationally recognised territory of Ukraine; condemns the atrocities committed against the Ukrainian population by the Russian invading force and the indiscriminate destruction of Ukraine’s infrastructure;

M. whereas diplomatic initiatives to end the war have been largely absent from EU foreign policy;

3. Considers Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine a serious threat to European security and stability; underlines that the Russian war of aggression has fundamentally changed the geopolitical situation in Europe and beyond, and threatens its security architecture, and that the response to this necessitates bold, brave and comprehensive political, security and financial decisions by the EU; believes that a Ukraine that is capable of defending itself effectively is an integral part of a stable and predictable European security landscape;

N. whereas the Trump administration has undertaken a bilateral dialogue with the Russian Federation aimed at ending the conflict in Ukraine, thereby excluding representatives of the Ukrainian people from negotiations on their own future and sovereignty; whereas the resulting exclusion of the EU leadership from the negotiations was a consequence of their total alignment with the United States and NATO;

4. Believes that the outcome of the war and the stance taken by the international community will play a crucial role in influencing future actions by other authoritarian regimes, which are closely observing the course of the war and assessing how much space there is for them to exert aggressive foreign policies, including by military means;

O. whereas over the years, the policy of alignment with NATO and the United States has led Europe to be an accomplice and spectator of the genocide of the Palestinian people by the Israeli Government;

5. In the light of the regrettable decision of the US administration to cease all military assistance to, and intelligence sharing with, Ukraine, reiterates its call on the Member States to substantially increase and accelerate their military support, in particular the provision of weapons and ammunition, also through direct financing of the Ukrainian defence industry following the Danish and Dutch example, as well as training, in response to pressing needs, with a view to offsetting, to the extent possible, the shortages created by the US withdrawal; reiterates its position that all EU Member States and NATO allies should collectively and individually commit to supporting Ukraine militarily, with no less than 0.25 % of their GDP annually;

P. whereas Europe has an interest in building a lasting peace and a European security system that contributes to developing peaceful relations with its neighbouring countries, and to pursue a policy of mutual nuclear disarmament instead of a new and senseless arms race and a new cold war;

6. Reiterates its support for the peace formula presented by Ukraine’s President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy; believes that it is a comprehensive plan to restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity and includes the building blocks of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the principles of the UN Charter and international law; underlines that any genuine peace negotiations must be conducted in good faith and include Ukraine; reminds that any settlement that excludes Ukraine or undermines its legitimate aspirations, such as its right to choose its own security arrangements, or which lacks credible security guarantees for Ukraine that contribute to deterring future Russian aggression, will be neither just nor viable; stresses that the goal of peace negotiations with Russia must not be to allow it to achieve a victory over Ukraine through diplomacy that it has so far been unable to obtain militarily; stresses that the international community supporting Ukraine must ensure that Ukraine is in the strongest possible military position when peace negotiations begin, for their duration, and when they are concluded;

Q. whereas the United States is forcing Ukraine into a deal on the exploitation of Ukrainian mineral resources as a precondition to continuing its engagement; whereas the agreement initially was not signed due to an unprecedented public verbal clash in the Oval Office between Presidents Trump and Zelenskyy;

7. Considers that, in the above-mentioned context, the current attempts by the US administration to negotiate a ceasefire and peace agreement with Russia over the heads of Ukraine and European states, in which the latter are confronted with the outcome without their meaningful participation, as counterproductive and dangerous, as it leads to empowering the belligerent state, thus showing that an aggressive policy is rewarded rather than punished; highlights that the financial support provided by the EU and its Member States to Ukraine exceeds that of any other country, reflecting the Union’s unparalleled commitment to Ukraine and consequently to the security of Europe; underscores that the EU’s role in any negotiations impacting the security of Europe must be commensurate with its political and economic weight; reconfirms that there can be no negotiations touching on European security without the European Union at the table;

R. whereas the Trump administration’s aim to end the conflict in Ukraine and with Russia is linked to the declared objective to focus its attention on the containment of China and the Indo-Pacific area, which was also declared a strategic priority by the previous US administration; whereas President Trump has openly declared that there will be no Ukrainian accession to NATO;

8. Expresses dismay concerning the policy of the US administration of appeasing Russia and targeting its allies; warns that this policy undermines the trust of traditional US allies around the world and can have devastating consequences for the transatlantic bond, peace and stability in Europe and beyond; warns that in the worst-case scenario, it might lead to the dismantling of the post-World War II security architecture, which was further strengthened after the fall of communism through NATO enlargement; regrets that the latest political developments show that the EU and its Member States can unfortunately no longer fully rely on the US administration to defend our shared values and interests;

S. whereas several European and non-EU NATO leaders met in London on 2 March 2025, in the presence of Ukrainian President Zelenskyy, confirming and even increasing military support to Ukraine; whereas Prime Minister Starmer of the UK and President Macron of France confirmed on this occasion their willingness to send their troops to Ukraine as part of an as-yet undefined peace plan and as part of an undefined ‘coalition of the willing’;

9. Welcomes the conclusions of the special European Council of 6 March 2025 and its support for a rapid strengthening of European defence through the ReArm Europe plan and reiterating its support for Ukraine, highlighting in particular that there can be no negotiations on Ukraine without Ukraine and that there can be no negotiations that affect European security without Europe’s involvement, and, furthermore, that Ukraine’s security and European, transatlantic and global security are intertwined

T. whereas President Trump announced the suspension of all US military and intelligence aid to Ukraine; whereas a few hours after the announcement, President Zelenskyy declared his willingness to sign the mineral deal and to engage in peace talks ‘under the leadership of President Trump’;

10. Emphasises that all those responsible for war crimes perpetrated in Ukraine must be held accountable and stresses that no peace will be sustainable without justice; reiterates its call on the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Member States to work together with Ukraine and the international community on setting up a special tribunal to investigate and prosecute the crime of aggression committed against Ukraine by Russia’s leaders and their allies; welcomes the establishment of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression in Ukraine in The Hague;

U. whereas the special European Council of 6 March 2025 supported Commission President von der Leyen’s ‘ReArm Europe’ plan to unlock up to EUR 800 billion of additional defence spending over the coming years;

11. Welcomes the European Council’s decision to open accession negotiations with Ukraine once the Commission’s recommendations are met; believes that Ukraine’s membership of the EU represents a geostrategic investment in a united and strong Europe and that it equates to showing leadership, resolve and vision;

1. Reiterates, in the strongest possible terms, its condemnation of the attack on Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty resulting from the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine; condemns this invasion as a war of aggression that constitutes a serious violation of international law, in particular the UN Charter, and for which there is no justification; condemns Belarus’s involvement in this aggression;

12. Calls on the Ukrainian authorities to strengthen internal political unity in Ukraine, uphold parliamentary pluralism and engage in constructive cooperation with the political parties in the Verkhovna Rada;

2. Expresses its deepest solidarity with the people of Ukraine and the families of all the victims;

13. Calls on the Ukrainian authorities to strengthen national cohesion by upholding respect for the principle of division of powers, multi-party pluralism and inclusion, due regard for the powers and rights of local authorities / local self-governing bodies, respect for the rule of law and freedoms, including media pluralism, in line with the democratic principles and values that Ukrainians are so resolutely and bravely defending;

3. Stresses the failure of the European Union’s leaders to pursue a serious diplomatic resolution to the war in Ukraine and calls for an immediate shift towards peace negotiations; stresses the urgent need for intensive, sustained diplomatic efforts to immediately put an end to the war in Ukraine and stop the suffering of the Ukrainian people; regrets the fact that a diplomatic and peaceful resolution to the conflict has not yet been found; regrets the EU’s total alignment with US and NATO policy, which has prevented the EU from taking any autonomous diplomatic initiatives in the past three years, openly opposing any kind of dialogue with Russia; calls for increased efforts to finally initiate a peace negotiation process that includes all parties; calls for the EU institutions and Member States to support an immediate ceasefire and a negotiated settlement;

14. Underlines the vital importance of internal political unity as a fundamental pillar of Ukraine’s long-term resilience against the continuing aggression of the Russian Federation; calls on all political groups in Ukraine, both in the government and opposition, to join forces to resist Russian efforts to undermine Ukrainian society and to mobilise it in the fight against the aggressor, to ease public tensions and to avoid any sort of mutual political harassment, politically motivated persecutions or erosion of public trust in the state or military institutions;

4. Regrets the arrogant behaviour of the Trump administration towards Ukraine and its European allies; stresses that a peace agreement cannot be reached without the involvement and consent of all parties and that it cannot be solely the outcome of negotiations between the major powers;

15. Reiterates its concern about the restriction on foreign travel by members of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine; believes that this could be considered an indiscriminate restriction of the political activity of elected members of parliament, in particular of those representing the opposition; strongly believes that, in times of war, any political resource that can represent Ukraine’s cause in any international forum should not be disregarded;

5. Underlines that while the priority of the Biden and Trump administrations was to pursue the interests of the United States, the European leadership has given priority to relations with the United States and subordination to NATO over the defence of peace in Europe and European interests; considers that no military solution to the current conflict can be envisaged in the short term; expresses its disappointment at the EU’s lack of initiative, participation and cooperation in any negotiating process and the absence of efforts to identify concrete and realistic conditions under which negotiations could take place; denounces the hypocrisy of the EU, specifically its stance on this conflict compared to its backing of the ongoing support and protection the United States and other NATO and EU powers continue to give Israel’s genocidal policies against the Palestinian people, as well as the escalation of war in the Middle East;

16. Calls for the EU, the Member States and like-minded partners to provide comprehensive and coordinated political, economic, technical and humanitarian assistance to support the sustainable and inclusive post-war reconstruction and recovery of Ukraine; reaffirms the EU’s commitment to sustainable and long-term financial and economic support to Ukraine, including macro-financial assistance, support for reconstruction and economic and social recovery and measures to ensure the resilience of Ukraine’s economy and critical infrastructure; reaffirms its call on the Commission to propose a sound legal basis for the confiscation of all immobilised Russian assets;

6. Believes that the EU should have undertaken a major diplomatic initiative by convening a multilateral conference for peace and security on its own account; recalls that, according to Article 21 of the Treaty on European Union, the EU should promote multilateral solutions and ‘preserve peace, prevent conflicts and strengthen international security, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter [and] with the principles of the Helsinki Final Act’; insists on the necessity of initiating a formal negotiation process under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), which would provide a neutral platform for dialogue and help ensure that any agreement respects international law and the rights of all parties involved; calls for the EU to engage directly with all relevant actors, including both Ukraine and Russia and non-aligned nations, to facilitate a diplomatic resolution to the conflict; calls for the EU to focus its efforts not only on continuing its financial support to Ukraine, but also on undertaking a diplomatic initiative to achieve a ceasefire and a political solution to the conflict; calls for renewed EU initiatives to promote mutual nuclear disarmament and reduce reliance on nuclear deterrence in global security strategies;

17. Calls on the Council to maintain, mirror where possible and extend its sanctions policy against Russia, Belarus, Iran and North Korea, while monitoring, reviewing and enhancing its effectiveness and impact; calls on the Commission and the Member States to ensure the swift implementation and strict enforcement of all 16 packages of sanctions, including sanctions on the ‘shadow fleet’, and to strengthen cooperation among Member States; asks the Commission for an impact assessment of the effectiveness of sanctions in hindering the Russian war effort and on the effectiveness of measures to prevent the circumvention of sanctions;

7. Expresses deep concern over the geopolitical tensions between NATO and the Russian Federation in the common eastern neighbourhood, which risks leading to a direct confrontation between them, with potentially disastrous consequences for Europe and the world; recalls that EU citizens fear a confrontation or war with Russia; opposes Ukraine’s NATO membership, recognising that such a move would only exacerbate tensions and prolong the war;

18. Reiterates its concern about the situation at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, which is illegally controlled by Russia; supports efforts to maintain a continued International Atomic Energy Agency presence at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant; reiterates its deep concern about the broader long-term environmental impact of the war;

8. Stresses that European security must be built on a framework of collective diplomacy and regional stability rather than military expansionism and bloc confrontation; believes that it is time for the EU to have a security and foreign policy of non-alignment and independent from NATO and the United States;

19. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the President, Government and Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the United Nations.

9. Expresses its strong opposition to send European troops to Ukraine, and reiterates that the sending of peacekeeping troops from third countries can only be considered as a result of an agreement between the parties and on a mandate from the United Nations;

10. Expresses its strong opposition to the special European Council’s support to the von der Leyen rearmament plan and the militarisation of the EU, in particular on the use of cohesion funds for military spending; reiterates that European cohesion funds, and derogation from the stability and growth pact, must be used to allow investments in schools, healthcare, housing, innovation and research, digitalisation and the fight against climate change, pollution and biodiversity loss; stresses that the objective of the construction of a common European defence, along with achieving strategic autonomy and independence from the United States and NATO, cannot be at the expense of social spending; denounces the double standards of this neoliberal and Atlanticist Europe, which applies flexibility on fiscal rules on military spending while continuing to impose austerity and neoliberal criteria on social and economic policies; strongly deplores the decision to use Article 122 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union to approve the rearmament plan without the vote and the democratic control and scrutiny of Parliament;

11. Demands that the Russian Federation cease its use of force against Ukraine and refrain from any unlawful threat or use of force against any state; demands that the Russian Federation withdraw its military forces from the territory of Ukraine; reaffirms its commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders, extending to its territorial waters;

12. Urges Russia, in the strongest possible terms, to turn back from the path of violence and aggression it has chosen and to return to the path of dialogue and negotiation; urges NATO and its member countries not to further escalate the conflict by continuing to engage in a new arms race; deplores the announced deployment of US short-range and medium-range missiles in Germany; strongly condemns the recent US decision to authorise the use of long-range weapons to attack Russia, and Russia’s decision to review its nuclear doctrine; expresses grave concern over Russia’s revised nuclear doctrine, which lowers the threshold for the use of nuclear weapons, and calls on all nuclear-armed states to commit to non-proliferation agreements; stresses that both decisions are another turn on the spiral of escalation, making the need for diplomatic efforts even more urgent;

13. Reiterates its deep opposition to, and concern about, the risk of escalation of the conflict that could arise from the use of US, UK and other Western weapons and missiles to attack targets in Russia, which could lead to a direct confrontation between the EU, NATO and Russia;

14. Denounces the economic exploitation of Ukraine by foreign actors, such as the Trump administration and US and other Western multinational corporations, which have taken advantage of the war to acquire strategic assets and resources, undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty and economic future; notes that Ukraine is required to make substantial and onerous debt service payments to the International Monetary Fund and other international lenders in the coming years; considers that in the light of the severity of the economic situation in Ukraine, continuing to pay off pre-war debt and debt accrued during the war will severely limit Ukraine’s access to public funds for reconstruction and the provision of public goods and services; calls therefore for the EU to cancel Ukraine’s external debt;

15. Calls on the Member States to urgently support the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force to protect the 15 nuclear reactors in Ukraine, in close cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency mission; stresses that the UN General Assembly, in accordance with its Resolution 377 (V), has subsidiary decision-making powers when the UN Security Council is unable to take adequate decisions on peacekeeping;

16. Strongly condemns the deepening of military ties between Russia and North Korea, including reports of arms transfers, which contravene international sanctions and exacerbate global security risks; urges the EU and the international community to reinforce measures to block illicit arms trading and support the enforcement of existing UN Security Council sanctions concerning the nuclear weapons programme;

17. Strongly condemns the decision by the United States to provide anti-personnel mines to Ukraine, emphasising that such weapons violate international humanitarian principles and have catastrophic long-term effects on civilian populations; urges the EU to reaffirm its commitment to the Ottawa Treaty by ensuring that no Member State participates, directly or indirectly, in the deployment or transfer of these weapons;

18. Calls on all countries, including the United States, Ukraine and Russia, to adhere to the principles of the Ottawa Treaty and to work towards the universal eradication of anti-personnel mines;

19. Expresses its dismay at the continuous large-scale Russian attacks on civilian infrastructure, including energy facilities, residential areas, schools and hospitals; urges Russia to immediately stop all hostilities, bombardments and attacks on civilians; demands that all parties fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law to spare the civilian population and civilian objects, to refrain from attacking, destroying, removing or rendering useless objects necessary for the survival of the civilian population and to respect and protect humanitarian personnel and consignments used for humanitarian relief operations; stresses that those responsible for war crimes must be held accountable in accordance with international law;

20. Denounces the effects that the war is having on women’s mental, physical, sexual and reproductive health; notes that the destruction of infrastructure in Ukraine is having disastrous consequences for the health of women, who are often doing the nursing, medical and care work;

21. Expresses its concern about the economic, environmental, energy and social consequences that the war is having not only in Europe, but worldwide; notes that inflation, caused in part by rising energy prices, is squeezing working people and the most vulnerable groups; expresses its concern about the environmental impact of the war and about the EU’s increasing energy dependence on liquefied natural gas from the United States;

22. Regrets the fact that the Temporary Protection Directive is being interpreted so narrowly that many women who have fled Russia’s war of aggression cannot access abortion care or other sexual and reproductive health treatments, including treatments following sexual abuse; is appalled by the fact that, as a consequence, many women have been forced to return to war-torn Ukraine to access services relating to their sexual and reproductive health and rights and reproductive care; calls on the Commission to review the Temporary Protection Directive to ensure that all Member States are obliged to offer the same care that women could otherwise receive in Ukraine;

23. Calls for the EU to support international justice processes to try war crimes committed during the war; stresses the need to adhere to the principles of restoration and non-repetition; denounces the double standards applied by the EU regarding sanctions and international justice;

24. Recalls that the reconstruction of Ukraine must be the highest priority and that Russia must contribute financially to this reconstruction; notes the importance of the reconstruction being based on the needs of the Ukrainian people, not on corporate profit interests; supports the calls for an international conference to be organised in due time to raise funds under the Ukraine Solidarity Trust Fund; stresses the need to prioritise the reconstruction of facilities allowing Ukrainians who wish to return to do so in safety;

25. Is deeply concerned about the changes being made to Ukrainian labour law, recalling the importance of strong trade unions, good working conditions and a robust, functioning public sector as the foundation enabling a society to be well equipped to face external challenges, such as war;

26. Highlights the recommendations of Ukraine’s High-Level Working Group on the Environmental Consequences of the War; believes that more attention should be paid to the environmental consequences of wars, especially in times of intensifying global ecological crises; urges the Assembly of States Parties to the International Criminal Court to include ‘ecocide’ as a core international crime under the Rome Statute;

27. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the President, Government and Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the President, Government and Parliament of the Russian Federation.