What changed

B100075/2025

B100077/2025

European Parliament resolution on Russia’s disinformation and historical falsification to justify its war of aggression against Ukraine

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on UkraineRussia and Russia,Ukraine,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on historical remembrance,

– having regard to its declaration of 23 September 2008 on the proclamation of 23 August as European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on historical remembrance, including its resolutions of 2 April 2009 on European conscience and totalitarianism, of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe and of 15 December 2022 on 90 years after the Holodomor: recognising the mass killing through starvation as genocide,

– having regard to Resolution 1481 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 26 January 2006 on the need for international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian communist regimes,

– having regard to Resolution 1481 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 26 January 2006 on the need for international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian Communist regimes,

– having regard to statement No 3078-IX of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 2 May 2023 on the employment by the political regime of the Russian Federation of the ideology of russofascism and the condemnation of the basics and practices of this ideology as totalitarian and misanthropic,

– having regard to Concurrent Resolution 9 of the US Congress of 7 February 2023 entitled ‘Denouncing the horrors of socialism’,

– having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas this year marks the 86th anniversary of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and its secret protocols, with which Stalin and Hitler conspired to divide Europe into spheres of influence between two totalitarian regimes, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, and which paved the way for the outbreak of World War II with its unprecedented levels of human suffering and the occupation of countries in Europe for many decades to come;

A. whereas Russia systematically uses disinformation and historical falsification to justify its illegal war of aggression against Ukraine;

B. whereas, under international law, the secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact were void ab initio, as they were in grave breach of the prohibition of aggression that had been established by the General Treaty for Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy of 27 August 1928; whereas their invalidity was declared by both states’ signatories in 1989, in particular by the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies on 24 December 1989, and whereas this is accepted as a well-established legal and historical fact by the international community in general, including in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights;

B. whereas the Kremlin manipulates historical narratives to incite imperial nostalgia, legitimise aggression and deny the sovereignty of Ukraine and other neighbouring states;

C. whereas the conclusion of the secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact amounted to an international crime against peace, such as the planning and initiation of a war of aggression, for which no justification can be found in international law;

C. whereas the ‘Russkiy mir’, or ‘Russian world’, political doctrine, reinforced by the established structures, is used to promote the Russian world view, to expand Russia’s domination in neighbouring countries and worldwide, and to justify its war of aggression against Ukraine;

D. whereas since 2009, 23 August has been commemorated as the European Day of Remembrance for the victims of all totalitarian and authoritarian regimes at EU level;

D. whereas, shortly after February 2022, Russian state propaganda began focusing on indoctrinating Russian schoolchildren by producing rewritten history textbooks in which the war of aggression is presented as a ‘mission to liberate Ukraine’, with no mention of atrocities committed by the Russian military; whereas, furthermore, basic military training has been reintroduced in secondary schools and teachers who oppose state propaganda and provide objective information about the war in Ukraine are subject to criminal investigation;

E. whereas after World War II, half of Europe became free and democratic, while its other half remained behind the Iron Curtain and controlled by the totalitarian Soviet Union and its satellite communist regimes, which divided the continent for half a century until the collapse of the Soviet Union; whereas the consequences of this division are still felt to this day;

E. whereas Russian state propaganda portrays the Soviet Union’s actions during World War II solely as liberation efforts, while disregarding its collaboration with Nazi Germany through the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and its secret protocols, which enabled the division of Europe and was the last step towards the outbreak of the war, and downplaying the atrocities committed by the Soviet forces, including mass deportations, executions, mass rapes and repression in occupied territories; whereas Poland was one of the primary victims of this collaboration, suffering the Katyn massacre, the forced deportation of hundreds of thousands of Poles to Siberia, crimes committed during the incursion of the Red Army into Upper Silesia in 1945, known as the Upper Silesian Tragedy, and widespread repression and terror aimed at destroying Polish identity; whereas this demonstrates that Russia is repeating history, with Ukraine now being the victim of Russian aggression;

F. whereas tens of millions of people were executed and politically persecuted and suffered Soviet atrocities during and after World War II, including between 18 and 20 million prisoners in forced labour camps known as Gulags, of whom between 1.5 and 2 million did not survive, 6 million were forcibly deported and nearly 5 million were politically repressed by security structures, of whom at least 1 million were executed; whereas in 1932 and 1933, on the territory of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, the leadership of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime committed genocide, known as the Holodomor, against a part of the Ukrainian national group, which resulted in the deaths of at least an estimated 4.5 million people;

F. whereas Russia has failed to acknowledge its role in starting World War II and to assume its responsibility for atrocities committed in territories occupied by the Soviet Union; whereas, contrary to the crimes committed by the Nazi regime, the crimes committed by communist dictatorships in Europe in the 20th century have not been the subject of a full international legal and political assessment and condemnation and this has contributed to the instrumentalisation of history under Putin’s rule in Russia;

G. whereas Russia has failed to acknowledge its role in starting World War II and to assume its responsibility for atrocities committed in territories occupied by the Soviet Union; whereas, contrary to the crimes committed by the Nazi regime, the crimes committed by communist dictatorships in Europe in the 20th century have not been the subject of a full international legal and political assessment and condemnation and this has contributed to the instrumentalisation of history under Vladimir Putin’s rule in Russia;

G. whereas 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II; whereas the Russian Federation, as the state claiming to continue the international legal personality of the USSR, is attempting to monopolise the victory over Nazism and has created a cult of ‘victory’ to ideologically mobilise Russians to continue the aggressive war against Ukraine;

H. whereas 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II; whereas the Russian Federation, as the successor state to the USSR, is attempting to monopolise the victory over Nazism and has created a cult of ‘victory’ in order to ideologically mobilise Russians to continue the aggressive war against Ukraine; whereas Victory Day on 9 May has been turned into a war propaganda tool in Russia;

H. whereas Putin’s regime manipulates history to foster loyalty among the Russian population by glorifying the Soviet Union, falsifying the history of Russia and Ukraine, and rejecting past Russian efforts to acknowledge Stalinist crimes;

I. whereas Russia, as the state claiming to be both the continuator of and the successor to the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire, continues to claim having an exclusive sphere of influence with regard to its neighbouring states and actively denies their sovereignty, national identity and right to exist, thus perpetuating the legacy of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and reviving the tsarist ambition of imperial conquest; whereas the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was preceded by Russia submitting its demands to the US and NATO countries to recognise its exclusive interests in Ukraine and other former Soviet, Soviet-occupied and Soviet-satellite countries;

I. whereas Russia’s celebration of Victory Day on 9 May, one day later than Western allies’ celebration of it, carries with it strong propaganda of liberation, which completely ignores the occupation of the Baltic states that lasted until the 1990s;

J. whereas the continuing imperial colonial policy of Russia resulted in military aggression against Georgia in 2008, the occupation of Crimea and the start of war in Donbas in 2014 and culminated with Russia’s full-scale illegal, unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine that started on 24 February 2022, and the systematic terrorisation of Ukraine’s civilian population, the destruction of its strategic infrastructure and the commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes with a clear demonstration of genocidal intent towards the Ukrainian people;

J. whereas Russian state-controlled media and official rhetoric propagate false claims about the causes of the war in Ukraine, including by accusing Ukraine and its leadership of Nazism; whereas similar accusations have been made against the EU Member States that have strongly supported Ukraine, as well as accusing them of being Russophobic;

K. whereas Russia consistently threatens EU countries with military aggression, including nuclear threats, particularly targeting the countries that were formerly occupied or indirectly controlled by Moscow, and has carried out attacks against individuals on EU soil; whereas Russia has been launching hybrid attacks against EU Member States and has been proven to interfere with EU democratic processes; whereas there is evidence of Russian interference and manipulation in many democracies, as well as of its practical support for extremist forces and radical-minded entities in order to promote the destabilisation of the Union;

K. whereas the Kremlin denies Ukraine’s distinct national identity, falsely claiming it as part of the ‘Russian world’ (‘Russkiy mir’), a narrative rooted in imperialistic ideology; whereas Russia is demolishing Holodomor memorials and restoring decommunised monuments to Lenin in the occupied territories of Ukraine;

L. whereas Russia has been using falsified history as a casus belli, systematically whitewashing Soviet crimes and spreading historical disinformation to justify Russia’s aggression against its neighbouring states; whereas Putin’s regime has instrumentalised history in an attempt to secure the loyalty of the Russian people by creating nostalgia for the supposed greatness of the Soviet empire, falsifying the history of Russia and Ukraine, rejecting Khrushchev’s policy to acknowledge and condemn Stalinist crimes, reneging on Gorbachev’s recognition and condemnation of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and declaring the collapse of the Soviet Union as the greatest tragedy of the previous century; whereas Russia is demolishing Holodomor memorials and restoring decommunised monuments to Lenin in the occupied territories of Ukraine;

L. whereas the Russian Federation has enacted legislation criminalising the truthful portrayal of Soviet and Russian crimes, targeting historians, journalists and civil society actors who challenge official narratives or investigate past and present crimes; whereas Russia obstructs historical research by denying access to Soviet archives and persecuting those who seek to reveal crimes committed by the Soviet Union or the current Russian regime; whereas throughout history, Russia has repeatedly distorted historical facts to serve its political agenda, as exemplified by its long-standing denial of responsibility for the Katyn massacre, where thousands of Polish officers, intellectuals and elites were systematically executed by the NKVD (Soviet secret police) in 1940 – a crime falsely attributed to Germany for decades by Soviet propaganda; whereas the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Memorial, is among the targeted and dissolved organisations that examined, documented and exposed Soviet crimes and human rights violations in Russia;

M. whereas Russia has been obstructing historical research, denying access to Soviet archives and persecuting civil society organisations working to investigate and assess Soviet crimes, as well as crimes committed by the current regime; whereas those attempting to tell the truth about these crimes, including the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine, are being persecuted under Russian legislation;

M. whereas Russian disinformation campaigns actively seek to exploit divisions within European societies by spreading false historical narratives, particularly regarding NATO’s role and the accession of new members, the US, EU enlargement and Western support for Ukraine;

N. whereas the whitewashing and glorification of Soviet crimes, including the full justification of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and subsequent acts of aggression, the claims to have a zone of exclusive interest comprising all the territory of the former Soviet Union and the Russian tsarist empire, taken together with an emphasis on the superiority and the exclusive mission of the Russian state and the rejection of democracy, human rights and the rule of law as allegedly alien Western values, have become the main pillars of russofascism (‘Russian world’) ideology, which is behind Russia’s wars of aggression and aggressive policies as well as its campaigns of disinformation and acts of hybrid warfare against the EU and other Western countries;

N. whereas disinformation and historical falsifications are integral to Russia’s hybrid warfare strategy aimed at undermining European unity and democracy; whereas the distortion of history and disinformation campaigns pose a threat to historical truth, democratic values and peace in Europe;

O. whereas in some Member States, communist and Nazi ideologies and symbols, as well as the symbols of Russia’s ongoing aggression, are prohibited by law;

O. whereas Russia continues to claim an exclusive sphere of influence over neighbouring states; whereas Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was preceded by demands for the US and NATO to recognise its exclusive interests in Ukraine, Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central Asia;

P. whereas since 2023, the European Parliament has held an annual commemoration of the victims of mass Soviet deportations, by paying tribute to and reading the names of those deported from Soviet-occupied lands;

P. whereas Russia has on several occasions threatened EU and NATO countries with military and nuclear aggression, particularly the territorial integrity of the Baltic states, carried out attacks on individuals on EU soil and launched hybrid operations targeting EU Member States and democratic institutions;

1. Acknowledges the shared responsibility of both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union for starting World War II with the aim to divide Europe into two spheres of exclusive influence of both totalitarian regimes, on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and its secret protocols;

Q. whereas in some Member States, communist and Nazi ideologies and symbols, as well as the symbols of Russia’s ongoing aggression, are prohibited by law;

2. Denounces the practices and claims regarding the establishment of zones of exclusive interests at the expense of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states as being incompatible with international law, in accordance with which each state has the sovereign right to choose its security guarantees, including defence alliances, and the means to ensure the well-being of its people; recalls that no consideration of any nature, be it political, economic, military or other, may serve as a justification for aggression;

1. Reiterates its condemnation of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, its occupation and attempted annexation of Ukrainian territory, the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during this aggression and the Kremlin’s policy of denial of Ukrainian national identity, including forced passportisation in occupied territories and the abduction of Ukrainian children in order to erase their family history and cultural identity;

3. Recalls that World War II was the deadliest and most brutal conflict in human history; notes that it resulted in Soviet occupation and mass crimes against the people and nations that fell under the control of the Soviet Empire; emphasises that the absence of impunity is a key condition for the effective prevention of such crimes and notes that impunity for unevaluated crimes allows them to be repeated;

2. Denounces Russia’s systematic falsification and distortion of history to justify its war of aggression against Ukraine, promote imperial nostalgia among the Russian population and secure support for its actions internationally, and destabilise the EU; highlights the Kremlin’s efforts to erase Ukraine’s cultural and historical identity, including the destruction of monuments, archives and religious sites in occupied territories, and stresses the importance of documenting these acts;

4. Regrets that the Russian Federation has not acknowledged Soviet crimes at state level, has renounced previous attempts by Soviet leaders to recognise and condemn Stalinist crimes and has not renounced its imperial past or its colonial approach towards its neighbouring states and nations, which has led to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and threats of war against Western democracies;

3. Condemns the Kremlin’s nationalist ideology and policies, which foreground Russia’s military aggression, promote imperial nostalgia and threaten European security; stresses their incompatibility with international law and firmly rejects the practices of and claims to establishing zones of exclusive interest at the expense of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other states;

5. Condemns in the strongest possible terms Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, other acts of aggression such as the occupation and annexation of Ukraine’s territory, war crimes and crimes against humanity that Russia has committed in Ukraine, the kidnapping and forced deportation of Ukrainian children to the Russian Federation, the policy of dehumanising Ukrainians and the denial of their national identity;

4. Denounces the Putin regime’s glorification of Stalinist totalitarianism and the falsification of historical events, including attempts to justify the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and refusal to acknowledge the Soviet Union’s responsibility for the outbreak of World War II and for Soviet-era crimes such as the Holodomor, the Great Terror and mass deportations;

6. Condemns the systematic falsification and distortion of history perpetrated by the Kremlin and its proxies, which is used as a weapon in Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, aimed at justifying its crimes and promoting imperial nostalgia in the minds of the Russian population and its supporters internationally; condemns its attacks on commemorative, cultural and educational events dedicated to the memory of the victims of crimes committed by the USSR;

5. Condemns the suppression of independent historical research and the denial of access for EU citizens to the gravesites of forcibly deported relatives and to Soviet archives; condemns further the persecution of civil society organisations investigating Soviet crimes or the crimes of the current regime, including the liquidation of the International Memorial, the Memorial Human Rights Centre and the Moscow Helsinki Group, as well as forcing the Sakharov Center to cease its work;

7. Reiterates its recognition of mass Soviet deportations and the Gulag prison system as crimes against humanity and of the Holodomor as genocide against the Ukrainian people; considers the deportation of all Crimean Tatar people in 1944 to be genocide; considers to be genocide, further, crimes committed during the incursion of the Red Army into Upper Silesia in 1945, known as the Upper Silesian Tragedy;

6. Condemns Russia’s use of disinformation, propaganda and hybrid influence technologies to destabilise the EU and justify its aggression against Ukraine and neighbouring states; condemns Russia’s attempts to use disinformation to undermine support for Ukraine and weaken international solidarity against its aggression;

8. Commends legislative, diplomatic, civil society and other initiatives aimed at researching, evaluating, recognising and raising awareness of the crimes of totalitarianism in Europe, particularly those committed by Nazi and communist regimes; encourages academic research and education in Eastern European history and culture and Russian colonialism from the 18th to the 21st centuries;

7. Categorically rejects, in particular, Putin’s false claim that Ukraine committed ‘genocide’ against the Russian-speaking population of the Donbas region, resulting in over 14 000 civilian casualties, which is used to justify Russia’s open military aggression against Ukraine;

9. Calls for raising awareness of the history of Nazi and communist totalitarian crimes and its systemic integration into school curricula in all EU Member States; welcomes the Council of Europe’s Observatory on History Teaching in Europe and encourages it to reflect the need to increase knowledge of Soviet and communist crimes across Europe, in the light of historical disinformation spread by the Russian Federation and its proxies;

8. Categorically rejects the Kremlin’s false narrative equating Ukraine’s democratic government with Nazism, which aims to delegitimise Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence;

10. Calls on all EU Member States to make a clear and principled assessment of the crimes and acts of aggression perpetrated by totalitarian communist regimes and the Nazi regime; calls for the condemnation of Soviet communist crimes at international level, such as within the UN;

9. Calls for enhanced coordination among the EU institutions, the Member States and international partners to counter Russia’s disinformation campaigns and prevent the spread of false historical narratives; calls for the EU to intensify research on hybrid influence technologies used by Russia and urges the EU institutions and Member States to oppose the spread of Russian-style foreign agent legislation in Europe, which is being used to crack down on media, academics and civil society essential for exposing Kremlin disinformation;

11. Calls on the Commission to provide effective support for projects of historical memory and remembrance in the Member States and at EU level, to enhance support for memory institutions and non-governmental organisations, particularly cross-country European platforms such as the Platform of European Memory and Conscience and the European Network Remembrance and Solidarity, and to establish a special envoy for European remembrance and the prevention of totalitarianism;

10. Urges the EU to promptly and rigorously apply existing legislative tools when cases of disinformation are suspected or confirmed, particularly when the integrity of elections is at risk of being influenced; calls on the Commission to include in its annual rule of law report a specific subsection on the protective measures implemented against disinformation, especially on online platforms;

12. Regrets the continued use of symbols of totalitarian regimes in public spaces and calls for an EU-wide ban on the use of both Nazi and Soviet communist symbols, as well as symbols of Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine; expresses its support for building a pan-European memorial for the victims of 20th century totalitarian regimes in Brussels;

11. Calls for the EU and its Member States to support initiatives exposing and countering Russia’s historical falsifications through EU-funded research projects and cross-border educational programmes; calls for support for Russian civil society organisations such as Memorial and Radio Sakharov so that they can continue their important work in this regard; underlines that confronting historical falsifications is essential to preserving European unity, defending democracy, the rule of law and ensuring lasting peace in Europe;

13. Responds to the appeal of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine by condemning, in the strongest possible terms, the nationalist imperialist ideology, policy and practices of the current Russian regime (russofascism), which foregrounds Russia’s military aggression, its efforts to challenge European security and order and its threats of further aggression against Europe and the annihilation of the European values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law; stresses the incompatibility of this ideology, policy and practices with international law;

12. Calls for an effective education and information campaign rejecting the celebration of 9 May as a day of liberation and victory, and calls on the leadership of the Member States to refuse any participation in such celebrations;

14. Reiterates its call for the establishment of a special international tribunal for the punishment of the crime of aggression against Ukraine, which could end the impunity around and address the lack of a clear evaluation of repeated Soviet and Russian imperialist aggressions and atrocities against its neighbours, including the entire ideology behind those acts;

13. Reiterates the importance of integrating education on the crimes of Nazi and communist regimes into school curricula across all EU Member States; encourages the Member States to integrate media literacy and critical thinking skills into education curricula in order to counter disinformation and promote democratic resilience;

15. Expresses its14. supportCalls for the effortsestablishment of the Internationala Criminalspecial Courtinternational (ICC)tribunal to prosecute warthe crimes,crime crimesof aggression against humanityUkraine and,and possibly,supports genocidethe asInternational partCriminal ofCourt’s Russia’sefforts to prosecute war ofcrimes aggressionand againstcrimes Ukraine;against stronglyhumanity; condemnsregrets instances of non-cooperation with the ICCInternational inCriminal theCourt executionin ofexecuting arrest warrants;

16. Calls for the EU to intensify research on new hybrid influence technologies used by Russia as an aggressor state and to take concrete action to counter them; calls strongly for the EU to complete the mapping of current EU activities combating disinformation and strategic communication in order to ensure the efficient use of resources and coordination, and to identify potential blind spots in our approach to countering Russian disinformation;

15. Regrets the continued use of symbols of totalitarian regimes in public spaces and calls for an EU-wide ban on both Nazi and Soviet communist symbols, and symbols of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; expresses its support for building a pan-European memorial for the victims of 20th century totalitarian regimes in Brussels;

17. Recalls that foreign interference is a systemic threat that must be countered vigorously; highlights that hybrid warfare and foreign information manipulation and interference are not just foreign policy and security issues, but in fact threaten the very basis of our democracies; urges the EU institutions to adopt a permanent cross-cutting approach to combating foreign information manipulation and interference more effectively; stresses, in this context, that enhanced cooperation and coordination with the US and other like-minded partners is crucial in combating the instrumentalisation of history and the spread of disinformation;

16. Commends legislative, civil society and academic efforts to raise awareness of totalitarian crimes, especially those committed by Nazi and communist regimes, as well as Russian-made symbols, particularly in relation to its aggression against Ukraine, and its national symbols at public events; encourages further research into Eastern European and Russian history and culture;

18. Underscores that unresolved aspects of a bilateral and regional historical past should not be allowed to be instrumentalised by Russia and its proxies to obstruct the will for genuine reconciliation; welcomes and encourages any attempts by Ukraine and the Member States to address such pending matters, for example the Volhynia massacre, in the spirit of true and sincere reconciliation, human dignity, historical truth and good neighbourly relations; believes that with the good will of both parties concerned, a patient reconciliation process will heal the wounds of the past; welcomes, in the light of the abovementioned principles, the recent declarations of the Polish and Ukrainian Governments related to Ukraine’s consent to continue the excavation of Polish graves on the territory of Ukraine and provide the victims with a dignified burial; expresses the hope that the excavations could reconvene as early as spring 2025;

17. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the relevant EU institutions, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the Russian authorities.

19. Believes that the destructive legacy of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact can only end when sovereign nations in the neighbourhood of Russia that have Euro-Atlantic aspirations, such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, can freely implement their foreign policy choices without interference or obstruction;

20. Believes that the swift Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine and other countries in the region would have a positive effect on Russia’s transformation by demonstrating to the Russian population that those countries no longer belong to Russia’s sphere of influence and by providing an inspiring example of prosperity and democratic development based on European values of human rights and peace, which could replace the pursuit of nostalgic imperial glory with the pursuit of economic and social well-being;

21. Maintains that the full military victory of Ukraine is the only path towards sustainable peace in Europe and towards the end of the aggressive revanchism of the Russian Federation, as it will not only end Ukrainian suffering, but will also help Russia to surrender its imperialist mentality and ideology, opening up possibilities for democratic change in Russia as well as in other authoritarian countries such as Belarus;

22. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President, Government and Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Russian authorities.